Chapter13
第十三章
Toddlers' guided participation with their caregivers in cultural activity*
幼儿在照顾者的引导下参与文化活动【注】
Barbara Rogoff, Christine Mosier, Jayanthi Mistry and Artin Göncü
芭芭拉·罗格夫等人
This chapter focuses on cultural similarities and variations in the guided participation of children in sociocultural activities. Children around the world, including middle-class US children, learn and develop in situations of joint involvement with other people in culturally important activities. Caregivers and companions collaborate with children in deciding the nature of children's activities and their responsibilities for participation. In the process of collaboration, children adapt their knowledge to new situations, structure problem-solving attempts, and regulate their responsibility for managing the process. This guidance and participation includes tacit forms of communication and distal arrangements of children's activities,as well as explicit verbal interaction. The mutual roles played by children and their caregivers rely on both the interest of caregivers in fostering mature roles and skills and children's own eagerness to participate in adult activities and to push their development.
本章重点阐述儿童在引导参与社会文化活动中的文化共性与特性。世界各地的儿童，包括美国中产阶级儿童，在重大文化活动中通过与他人共同参与，得到学习、发展。照顾者和合作伙伴与儿童共同决定儿童活动的性质以及他们参与的责任。在合作过程中，儿童根据状况选择合适的知识，组织解决问题的尝试，调整他们管理过程的责任。这种指导与参与包括沉默的交流形式以及对儿童活动的后继管理，以及明确的口头互动。儿童及其照顾者，双方所扮演的角色，取决于照顾者在培养成熟角色与技能，以及儿童自身对参与进成年人的活动和推动自身发展的渴望，两方面的兴趣。
Along with similarities across cultures in children's guided participation in sociocultural activities are important differences in the skills that are valued, the means of communication (e.g., dyadic conversation between adults and children versus action communication with status differences in conversation between adults and children), and the extent to which children enter into adult activity versus adults sharing children's activity. Middle-class children may need didactic instruction, owing to their segregation from opportunities to observe and participate in important cultural activities, whereas children who have the opportunity to participate in the activities of their community may be able to shoulder the responsibility for learning themselves.
在儿童的引导参与社会文化活动中，随着文化间的共性，在技能上出现的巨大差别，是有价值的，交流的手段（比如，成年人与儿童之间的结对交谈，相对于成年人与儿童之间会话中地位差别引起的动作交流），以及儿童进入成年人活动的程度，相对于成年人分享儿童的活动。中产阶级儿童可能需要说教指示，要归功于其对重大文化活动中观察和实践机会的隔离，然而有机会参与社会活动的儿童，能够承担自我学习的责任。
These themes are explored with illustrations from preliminary analyses of observations of eight toddlers and their caregivers from a Mayan town in Guatemala and eight toddlers and their caregivers from an urban setting in the United States (Salt Lake City).
这些探讨阐述的主题，通过对来自危地马拉玛雅社会的八名幼儿及其照顾者和来自美国（盐湖城）的八名幼儿及其照顾者的观察，得到初步分析。
* This is an edited version of a chapter that appeared in Contexts for Learning: Sociocultural Dynamics in Children's Development, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.
【注】这是发表在《学习环境：儿童发展中的社会文化动态作用》中一章的剪辑版本。纽约，牛津大学出版社，1993年
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(The data are from a larger study reported as a monograph, involving 56 toddlers from Guatemala, India, Turkey, and the United States. Rogoff, Mistry, Güncüand Mosier, 1993.) The toddlers from each setting involved an approximately equal number of boys and girls, first-born and later-born children, and younger (12 to 16months) and older toddlers (20 to 23 months). Half of the Salt Lake City families were Mormon; half of the Mayan families were Catholic and the remainder Protestant. The Salt Lake City families were much more affluent, with middle-class occupations and high school or college educations; the Mayan families owned relatively little property, with most fathers in farming or labor jobs and most mothers having third-grade schooling or less.
（这些数据来自于更大的研究报告专著，涉及来自危地马拉、印度、土耳其和美国的五十六位幼儿。Rogoff, Mistry, Güncüand Mosier, 1993.）来自各地的幼儿，男女、老大老幺、年纪小的（12-16个月）年纪大的（20-23个月），基本各半。其中，一半盐湖城家庭是摩门教徒，一半玛雅家庭是天主教徒，余下的是新教徒。盐湖城家庭更为富裕，从事中产阶级职业，拥有高中或大学教育；玛雅家庭拥有的财产相对少些，大多数父亲从事农业或体力劳动，大多数母亲得到过小学三年级或更少的教育。
Our observations were videotaped in a home visit involving child-rearing questions and the opportunity to observe the children and their families in everyday problem solving: exploring novel objects(which we supplied), playing social games, handling the feeding implements of their community, being dressed, and treating other people appropriately. In this chapter, we focus on three episodes of interaction in which we asked mothers to get their toddlers to work a wooden nesting doll (like those from the Soviet Union) that comes apart into bottom and top halves, to make a tortilla or hamburger patty out of play dough, and to "take care of" a plastic baby doll. The toddlers interacted with their mothers; in many families, fathers, siblings, and grandparents were involved as well.
通过录像，观察家庭闲聊儿童养育问题，利用机会观察儿童及其家庭每日解决问题：探索新的物体（由我们提供），扮演社会游戏，控制他们社会的供给设备，穿着打扮，适当对待他人。在本章，我们把重点放在三个互动节目上，其间我们要求母亲让他们的孩子玩一套木制嵌套娃娃（类似于俄罗斯娃娃），这套玩具已经分解成上下两半，用来做一个不用面粉的玉米饼或者汉堡，并且“照顾”一个塑料娃娃玩具。幼儿与其母亲互动，在很多家庭中，父亲、兄弟、祖父母也参与进来。
The interactions were analyzed in a process of pattern analysis (Rogoff and Gauvain, 1986) that began with close ethnographic transcription of each case, attempting to portray the meanings of the events for the participants in terms that capture local family goals and practices. Then, with the intimate knowledge of the data that develops from such transcription, the team developed specific categories of interaction that we thought portrayed the crucial similarities and differences across communities in terms that could abstract across the specifics of the observations while maintaining the essence. (It was a long process of dialogue across the four researchers, with all representing their knowledge of a different community, which derived from the transcriptions and from either having originated in that community or nation or having spent at least two years in the community.)
这些互动在模式分析（Rogoff and Gauvain, 1986）过程中得到分析，模式分析开始于每一种情况下的民俗序列转换，试图根据已知的当地家庭目标和实践，描绘出参与者的实践意义。然后，利用源自这些转换的数据的熟悉知识，小组发制定具体的互动分类，我们认为这些分类描绘出社会之间重要的共性与特性，根据那些在保持本质的同时观察到的具象抽象出来的（这是四名研究者之间的长期对话，都代表了他们不同社会知识，这些知识都派生自这些转换，或来自于该社会或国家，或在该社会中至少使用了两年）。
The data reported here are based on preliminary application of these analysis categories; they are preliminary in that the definitions are still in the process of being clarified, and we have not examined the extent to which two observers of the same videotape would code the events similarly. Hence we provide the observations as suggestions rather than as final findings, as a start in describing the patterns of guided participation that may be similar and those that may vary in different cultural communities.
该报告中的数据基于这些分类分析的初步应用，这些应用相当初步是因为其定义在分析过程中仍需清晰化，我们也没有审查同一录像带的两名观察者解码事件的相似程度。因此我们提供的观点是建议而非最终结果，作为描述引导参与模式在不同文化社会中的共性与特性的开始。
This chapter first discusses our conceptual framework deriving from a Vygotskian sociohistorical approach to development and from the concept of guided participation (Rogoff, 1990) that focuses on the tacit and routine arrangements of children's activities and involvements.
本章首先讨论我们源自维果茨基理论社会历史发展方法的概念框架，以及源自引导参与概念的概念框架（Rogoff, 1990），此概念的重点是默许并日常安排儿童的活动和参与。
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幼儿的引导参与，第二二七页
Using our observations of the eight Mayan and eight Salt Lake City toddlers, we discuss similarities as well as important differences in the children's guided participation in cultural activities. The observations are discussed as they relate to each conceptual issue, with a later section describing two contrasting cases in greater detail.
利用我们对这八名玛雅幼儿和八名盐湖城幼儿的观察，我们讨论儿童在文化活动中的引导参与的共性和重大区别。选择这些观察记录进行讨论，是因为他们都有各自的概念性问题，稍后一节描述了两件对照性个案的的更多细节。
sociohistorical approach to development
社会历史发展方法
The influence of the sociohistorical school on conceptions of development has been marked in work on cultural psychology. Scholars interested in cognitive development in cultural context returned from fieldwork believing that views of development that assumed generic and general progress with age were not adequate to their observations that people seemed to vary in their skills according to the cultural familiarity of the context in which they were observed (Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition,1983; Rogoff, 1982b; Rogoff, Gauvain, and Ellis, 1984). Many researchers interested in culture and development found in the writings of Vygotsky a theory that laid the groundwork for a necessary integration of individual development in social and cultural context.
社会历史学校对发展这个概念的影响，被认为是属于文化心理学的工作。研究者对于实际文化环境中的认知发展的兴趣，相信各种发展观假设与年龄有关的寻常进步，并不适用于他们的观察，在他们的观察中，人们根据对观察到的环境的文化熟悉程度而表现出来的技能，似乎各不相同（人类认知比较实验室，1983; Rogoff, 1982b; Rogoff, Gauvain, and Ellis, 1984）。许多研究者对在维果茨基著作中发现的文化与发展很感兴趣，该理论为在社会和文化环境中的个体发展的必要整合奠定基础。
Crucial to the sociohistorical approach is the integration of individual, social, and cultural/historical levels within the analytical unit of activity (Cole, 1985; Leont'ev, 1981; Vygotsky, 1987; Wertsch, 1985; Zinchenko, 1985). Activity involves individuals with others in shared efforts with societal organization and tools.
社会历史方法至关重要的是整合个体、社会、文化/历史水平和对活动单元的分析（Cole, 1985; Leont'ev, 1981; Vygotsky, 1987; Wertsch, 1985; Zinchenko, 1985）。活动涉及个体与他人在社会机构中利用工具分享成果。
In contrast with most other theories of development - which focus on the individual and the social or the cultural context as separate entities, adding or multiplying one and the other - the sociohistorical approach assumes that individual development must be understood in (and cannot be separated from) the social context. Vygotsky stressed that cognitive development involves children internalizing skilled approaches from their participation in joint problem solving with more skilled partners, who bring the intellectual tools of society within the reach of children in the "zone of proximal development."
与其他大多数发展理论不同的是——他们侧重于将个体和社会或者文化背景看作独立个体，两两之间相加或相乘——社会历史方法则假设个体发展必须建立在（不能游离于）社会背景。维果茨基强调，认知发展涉及儿童的熟练方法，是儿童在与更熟练伙伴共同解决问题时内化所得，这些更熟练伙伴带来的社会智力工具触及到儿童的“最近发展区”。
Cole(1985) suggested that in the zone of proximal development, culture and cognition create each other. Interactions in the zone of proximal development are the crucible of development and of culture, in that they allow children to participate in activities that would be impossible for them alone, using cultural tools that themselves must be adapted to the specific activity at hand and thus are both passed along to and transformed by new generations.
科尔（1985）认为，在最近发展区，文化与认知，彼此创造。最近发展区的互动是对发展和文化的严峻考验，在这些互动中，他们允许儿童参与无法独自完成的活动，使用适合于手头特定活动的文化工具，因此能够经新一代传承下去。
Such an approach views individual development as dependent on interaction with other people in activities involving societal values, intellectual tools, and cultural institutions. Although many researchers treat the zone of proximal development as interaction between children and their social partners, such analysis is incomplete unless it also considers the societal basis of the shared problem solving - the nature of the problem the partners seek to solve,
这种方法视个人发展为依赖于与他人在活动中的互动，涉及社会价值、智力工具、文化体系。虽然许多研究者将最近发展区看作是儿童与其社会伙伴之间的互动，这样的分析是不完整的，除非他们还认为分享解决问题的社会基础——伙伴试图解决的问题本质，
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the values involved in determining the appropriate goals and means, the intellectual tools available (e.g., language and number systems, literacy, and mnemonic devices), and the institutional structures of the interaction (e.g., schooling and political and economic systems).
确定适当目标及方法、可用智力工具（比如语言、数字系统、识字能力、助记设备）的价值，以及互动的体制结构（比如，学校教育和政治经济体制）。
Ironically, the sociohistorical school's formulation of the relation between individual, social, and cultural processes is not only its strength but its weakness. Despite the theory's emphasis on context and society, it nonetheless maintained assumptions regarding the contexts and societal approaches that are most valuable. Vygotsky focused on the sort of language and analysis that characterize academic learning, consistent with the agenda of his nation at the time he wrote (to establish a new Soviet nation with widespread literacy) and with Vygotsky's own upbringing and early career (as a Jewish intellectual and literary critic). In Vygotsky's collaboration with Luria (1976) on "cross-historical"studies in Central Asia, the bias of these views is apparent in the evaluation of the non-literate peasants' versus the literate subjects' ways of thinking,
讽刺的是，社会文化学校在形成个体、社会和文化过程之间的关系过程中，不仅是其优点也是其弱点。尽管该理论强调背景和社会，但是它使用的与背景和社会方法有关的假设最有价值。维果茨基侧重于对语言的整理和对学术学习特点的分析，他写道这与他国家当时的大方向相一致（建立一个普遍识字的苏维埃国家），也和维果茨基自身教养及其早期职业生涯（是一名犹太知识分子及文学评论家）相一致。在维果茨基与卢瑞亚在中亚的“跨历史”研究的合作中（1976），在评价不识字的农民和识字的受试者两者思维方式时，这些观点中的偏见显而易见。
This unidirectional focus privileging academic, literate approaches - common to Vygotskian as well as to other major developmental theories - must be questioned if we are to understand the cultural context of development, as the goals of literacy and academic discourse are not universal. Understanding the development of children in the context of their own communities requires study of the local goals and means of approaching life.
如果我们要了解发展的文化背景，这种单向的集中特权的学术的、文学的方法——通常是指维果茨基理论者以及其他主要发展理论——必须受到质疑，因为文学和学术说教的目标并不是放之四海皆标准的。理解儿童在其社会背景下的发展，需要对其当前生活中用到的当地目标和方法进行研究。
From our perspective, each community's valued skills constitute the local goals of development. Societal practices that support children's development are tied to the values and skills considered important. It is not possible to determine if the goals or practices of one community are more adaptive than those of another, as judgments of adaptation cannot be separated from values. For middle-class US children, the skills and patterns of social interaction practiced in school may relate closely to those necessary for eventual participation in the economic and political institutions of their society. In other communities - within the United States and elsewhere - other goals and practices take prominence.
从我们的角度来看，每个社会的有价值技能构成了发展的当地目标。支持儿童发展的社会做法，将认为是重要的价值观念和技能联系起来。不可能确定某一社会的目标或做法要比其他社会的目标和做法更适合，因为对适应性的判断不能脱离价值观。对于美国中产阶级儿童，在学校实践的社会互动的模式和技能，可能与最终参与到其社会政治经济体系的活动密切相关。在其他社会中——美国或别的国家——则凸显其他目标和做法。
Guided participation and its similarities in two communities
引导参与以及在两个社会中的共性
The concept of guided participation (Rogoff,1990) revises the idea of the zone of proximal development to include the developmental goals and means of communication of cultures other than those stressing literacy and academic analytical forms of discourse. The concept is also intended to address the everyday routine involvement of young middle-class children in the activities of their communities - involvement that is not captured in models of interaction based on didactic school lessons.
引导参与的概念（Rogoff,1990）改进于最近发展区思想，包括发展目标和文化交流方法，这种文化交流方法不同于强调识字和学术分析形式的说教。此概念也旨在解决中产阶级少年儿童在参与其社会活动中的日常行为——这种参与并不采用传统学校教学课程基础上的互动模式。
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Guided participation stresses tacit forms of communication in the verbal and non-verbal exchanges of daily life and the distal arrangements involved in the regulation of children's activities, material goods, and companions. The notion of guided participation emphasizes the active role of children in both observing and participating in the organized societal activity of their caregivers and companions. In this more inclusive approach, the aim is to encompass more of the daily activities in which children participate and develop skill in and understanding of the valued approaches of their cultural community.
引导参与强调使用日常生活中惯用的口头的和非口头的交流形式，以及设计调整儿童活动、材料物资和伙伴的后继管理。引导参与的概念强调，儿童在观察和参与到事先组织好的、有照顾者和伙伴参与的社会活动中时要积极主动。在这更具包容性的做法中，其目的是要将更多的日常生活包含进儿童的实践和技能发展，理解其文化社会的重要方法。
The emphasis on participation in the notion of guided participation has important implications for the question of how children gain from social interaction. With several theoretical approaches, the process is termed internalization, with the view that children bring external processes "inside." In contrast with such views, however, Rogoff (1990) suggested that the process is one of appropriation, emphasizing that children are already participants (either central or peripheral) in ongoing activity. As such, they already function within activities as they learn to manage them, rather than engaging in a two-stage process of, first, social lessons and then individual internalization in order to put the social lessons inside their heads. Children make later use of their changed understanding resulting from their contribution and involvement with joint problem-solving processes in new situations that resemble the ones in which they have participated. Rather than importing an external process to the internal plane, they appropriate a changed understanding from their own involvement and can carry to future occasions their earlier participation in and their gains in understanding of social activity. As Wertsch and Stone (1979, p. 21) put it, "the process is the product."
在引导参与概念中强调参与，对于儿童如何从社会互动中获益这个问题，具有重要含义。在若干理论方法中，这一过程被称作内化，根据这种观点，儿童将外在的处理成“内在的”。然而，与这种观点相反，罗格夫（1990）称这种过程只是用途之一，强调儿童已经参与到当下的活动中（或中心或边缘）。因此，他们已经行使活动的职能，正如他们学习管理这些活动，而非参与进，先社会课程然后为了将社会课程放入他们脑子里的个体内化，这两阶段过程。儿童在共同解决问题过程中因参与和贡献而改变理解，并稍后在类似于曾参与过的新状况中使用他们改变了的理解。而不是将一个外部过程引入内部平面，他们使用因其自身的参与而改变了的理解，并能带到早已参与的场合的未来，并且他们从社会活动中获益。正如威茨奇和斯通（1979，第二十一页）所说的那样，“过程就是结果。”
Although there are important cultural differences in valued activities and means of communication, dealt with in subsequent sections of this chapter, we believe that the processes of guided participation are widespread across differing cultural groups. In this section,we focus on processes of guided participation that we propose are similar across widely different cultural communities.
虽然在重要活动和交流方法之间存在重大文化差异，本章各小节在处理时，我们相信引导参与的过程在不同文化团体中是普遍存在的。在本小节，我们侧重于引导参与的过程，我们认为这一过程普遍存在在广泛不同的文化社会中。
In almost all (44 of 47) of the episodes we observed involving the nesting doll, the dough, and the baby doll, the toddlers were closely involved with their parents, engaged with the same agenda(e.g., parent and child working the object together; or the parent attempting to assist the child with the object, and the child attempting to work the object with the parent's help). It is likely that if the event had not involved a focus on the toddler (due to the visitors' request to the mother to have the child work the objects), the extent of joint activity would have been much lower in both communities, a topic we will address in a subsequent report. Our point here is that in situations in which caregivers are focused on toddlers, caregivers and toddlers in both communities engaged in close communication.
我们观察到，几乎所有的（四十七段中的四十四段）录像片段，包括嵌套娃娃、面团、婴儿玩偶，幼儿及其家长完全投入，从事相同的活动（比如，家长和儿童通力合作，或者家长试图帮助幼儿实现目标，儿童试图在家长的帮助下实现目标）。很有可能，如果活动不需要关注幼儿（处于观察者的要求，母亲必须与子女一起完成任务），在各个社会中共同活动的程度有可能低得多，这是我们将在随后的报告中需要解决的一个课题。我们在这里的观点是，在照顾者关心儿童这种情况下，所有社会的照顾者和儿童都密切沟通。
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Such communication between children and their caregivers involves two focal processes, discussed below, that we expect to be widespread across varying cultural communities: creating bridges to make connections to new ideas and skills, and structuring the children's participation in activities through opportunities available for their involvement and through social support and challenge in activities and roles valued in their community.
在儿童及其照顾者之间的这种交流，涉及接下来将要讨论的两种关键过程，我们预想这两种过程广泛存在于各种文化社会之中：建立连接到新思想和技能的桥梁；通过为儿童提供参与的机会，通过在其社会中认可的角色和活动中的社会支持和挑战，来构建儿童的参与活动。
Bridging to make connections between known and new
在已知和未知之间建立沟通的桥梁
Inherent to communication is a collaborative effort of partners to find a common ground of understanding on which to base their contributions in order to ensure mutual comprehension. Partners initially have somewhat (or greatly) discrepant views of a situation, but seek a common perspective or language through which to communicate their ideas. This effort to reach a common ground involves a stretch on the part of the participants. Middle-class adults often adapt their contribution to fit with what they think the children can understand, restructuring the problem definition to be within children's grasp (Wertsch 1984). At the same time, children's efforts to participate in ongoing communication involve a stretch in the direction of a more mature definition of the situation and more skilled roles. From the collaboratively constructed common ground, which itself involves development, the participants may share in thinking as they extend their joint understanding together.
固有的沟通是伙伴们寻找共同理解的努力结果，在此基础上，他们的付出是为了确保相互理解。最初，伙伴们对于状况的看法有一点（或更多）不一致，但是通过交流观点，寻求共同的看法或话语。努力谋求共同点，意味着部分参与者必须倾注全力。中产阶级成年人常常调整他们的付出，他们相信这样儿童就可以理解，按照儿童的理解力去重构问题定义（Wertsch 1984）。与此同时，儿童努力参与当下的交流，涉及对状况更成熟的界定方向上的努力，和更熟练的角色。在共同构建共同底线当中，这本身就涉及发展，参与者会分享思想，正如他们会扩展其共同理解使其相互交融一样。
Bridging between two starting points involves emotional and non-verbal as well as verbal forms of communication. Children seek connections between old and new situations in their caregivers' emotional cues regarding the nature of a situation and how to handle it,in their interpretations of children's behavior, and in their labels for objects and events that inherently classify similarities across objects and events. All of the parents we observed indicated to the toddlers the nature of the activity with the object, orienting the children verbally in an average of 85 percent of the episodes and non-verbally in 91 percent of the episodes.
在两个起始点之间架设桥梁，需要情感的非语言的，以及语言形式的交流。儿童根据照顾者关于状况的性质和如何处理的情感暗示，寻找新旧状况之间的关联。在他们的解释中，儿童的行为，以及他们对目标和事件的分类，本就是目标和事件的固有分类。我们观察到的所有家长都通过目标向幼儿指明活动的性质，在百分之八十五的录像片段中，口头指明儿童的活动方向，在百分之九十一的录像片段中，使用非口头形式。
One kind of non-verbal bridging that provides young children with information about ambiguous situations is social referencing, in which infants as young as 10 months seek information from adults' expressions. They proceed to explore if the adult appears content but avoid the ambiguous situation if the adult appears fearful(Feinman, 1982; Gunnar and Stone, 1984; Sorce, Emde,Campos, and Klinnert, 1985).
社会参照，作为一类非语言的桥梁，为幼儿提供有关含糊不清状况的信息，这里所说的幼儿指十个月大的孩子，他们从成年人的表现中寻求信息。只要成年人表现出满意，他们就着手探索，如果成年人表现出严厉，就回避含糊不清的状况（Feinman, 1982; Gunnar & Stone, 1984; Sorce, Emde, Campos, and Klinnert, 1985）。
An example is provided by a 20-month-old Mayan boy who attempted to gather information about an ambiguous situation: whether or not a play-dough tortilla was edible. He had been skillfully patting the play dough that we had brought along into a "tortilla,"with his mother's guidance:
一位二十个月大的玛雅男孩提供了一个示例，他试图收集有关某一混乱状况的信息：橡皮泥做的玉米饼是否可以食用。他熟练地拍打橡皮泥，这样在她母亲的指导下，我们就得到一块玉米饼：
Toddlers' guided participation 231
幼儿的引导参与，第二三一页
The baby broke off a tiny corner of the little tortilla he had made and held it up expectantly to his mother. She absently nodded to the baby as she conversed with the adults present.
这个婴儿掰下一小块他自己做的玉米饼，十分期待得举给他的母亲。母亲一边心不在焉地点头应付婴儿，一边忙着与在场的成年人交谈。
The baby brought the piece of play tortilla to his mouth and, looking at his mother fixedly, he stuck out his tongue and held the piece of tortilla toward it, with a questioning expression. His mother suddenly bolted out her hand and snatched his hand holding the piece of tortilla away from his mouth, blurting out "No! Not that!" The baby looked at her with a little surprise but was not disturbed by this clear message that the dough is not edible; he watched quietly as she laughingly put the little piece of dough back on the rest of the tortilla, put it back into the baby's hand and told him that it is not to eat. He resumed patting the dough contentedly.
婴儿将这一小橡皮泥玉米饼放进嘴里，定定地望着他的母亲，他伸出舌头，拿着小块玉米饼触了一下舌头，做出疑问的表情。他母亲一把甩开他的手，夺走他还放在嘴里的玉米饼，脱口喊道：“不，不要吃！”婴儿略带惊讶地看着他，但并未因为橡皮泥不能吃这条明确信息而不安。他静静的看着母亲笑着将这一小块粘回余下的玉米饼，然后退回婴儿手上，告诉他这东西不能吃。他继续心满意足地拍打橡皮泥。
The mutual adjustments in communication that provide the basis of bridging between adults and children reflect adherence to principles of communication (e.g., Clark and Haviland, 1977) that a speaker be sensitive to the perspective and knowledge of the listener and that conversation focus on what is deserving of comment from the joint perspective of speaker and listener. Although there are likely to be asymmetries in responsibility for adjustment according to the status of the participants, the situation, and societal standards of responsibility for adjustment (discussed later), the phenomenon of seeking shared meaning is in the nature of human communication. Indeed, some argue that intersubjectivity between infants and their caregivers is innate - that from the earliest interactions infants are involved in the sharing of meaning (Brazelton, 1983; Luria,1987; Newson, 1977; Trevarthen, Hubley, and Sheeran, 1975).
交流中的相互调整，为成年人和儿童之间反映遵守沟通原则的桥梁打下基础（比如，Clark & Haviland, 1977）。发言人对听者的观点和知识非常敏感，谈话重点是值得发言人和听者共同讨论的。虽然基于参与状态、环境状况、调整责任的社会标准（稍后讨论）的不同，责任调整有可能不对称，寻求共享意义的现象是人类沟通的本质。事实上，一些观点认为，婴儿及其照顾者之间的主体间性是天生的——婴儿在最早期的互动中就已经涉及共享意义（Brazelton, 1983; Luria,1987; Newson, 1977; Trevarthen, Hubley, and Sheeran, 1975）。
Collaborative structuring of problem solving
协同结构解决问题
Caregivers and children arrange the structure of situations in which children are involved through both distal arrangements and explicit interaction. Social activity is managed through assignment of and opportunity for participation in varying activities, such as the household chores in which 14 of the 16 toddlers were reported to engage, as well as through structuring children's responsibility for an activity through ongoing communication. Both adults and children are responsible for deciding children's activities and their role in them, often through tacit and pragmatic determination of children's skills and interests, as well as through more explicit arrangements for children's growing participation in the activities of their culture.
照顾者和儿童整理状况的结构，其中通过后继管理和明确互动，涉及到儿童。在各种活动中通过分配任务和参与机会，从而管理社会活动，比如，据报告十六名儿童中的十四名参与家务劳动，以及通过当下交流确定儿童在某一活动中的责任。成年人和儿童都有责任决定儿童的活动，以及他们在活动中的角色，他们往往通过默认和务实的测定儿童的技能和兴趣，并通过更清晰的管理儿童越来越多的参与到他们文化相应活动。
During caregiver-child communication, participants collaborate in structuring children's roles through division of responsibility for the activity. The more skilled partner may provide "meta cognitive"support through handling higher-order goals as children handle the subgoals of which they are capable with assistance, allowing children to achieve more in collaboration than they can independently.
在照顾者与儿童交流期间，参与者通过活动责任分类，协作确定儿童的角色。更熟练的伙伴可以通过处理更高阶目标来提供“元认知”支持，儿童处理他们在帮助下有能力处理的子目标，允许儿童在合作中而非独立中实现更多。
232 Cultural perspectives and practices
文化视角与实践，第二三二页
With the nesting doll and play dough, most caregivers adjusted the object or its position to facilitate the toddlers' efforts, divided or simplified the task, and handled difficult moves for the child (in 94 percent, 75 percent, and 62 percent of the episodes, respectively). Such structuring was a little less frequent with the baby doll, perhaps owing to its familiarity to the children.
在嵌套娃娃和橡皮泥实验中，大多数照顾者调整目标或者目标的位置，让儿童更容易工作，为儿童分割或简化任务，处理困难步骤（分别占到录像片段的百分之九十四、百分之七十五、百分之六十二）。这种结构化在嵌套娃娃实验中略微频繁一些，可能是因为儿童更熟悉一些。
Children's roles in structuring an activity in social interaction may involve central responsibility for managing the situation - even when their partners have greater knowledge - and for adjusting their own level of participation. One-third of the toddlers clearly negotiated shifts in responsibility for handling the objects, seeking greater involvement or greater assistance, or resisting caregivers' suggestions. When there were tussles between caregivers and children regarding the agenda, the outcome was more likely to involve the toddlers' agenda, particularly in the Mayan community, which stresses respect for infants' autonomy. Children's interest and caregivers constraints may ensure that young children's roles in routine activities adjust according to their interest and skills,within a dynamic zone of proximal development.
儿童在建造一种社会互动活动中的作用，可能涉及管理状况的重要责任——即使他们的伙伴拥有更多知识——以及调整他们自身的参与程度。三分之一的幼儿明确协商处理目标时的责任变化，寻求更大程度的参与或更多帮助，或抵制照顾者的建议。当照顾者和儿童因为行事方案而发生争执时，其结果很可能使用儿童的方案，尤其是在玛雅社会，特别尊重幼儿的自主权。儿童的兴趣和照顾者的限制，可确保幼儿在日常活动中的角色，在一个充满活力的最近发展区，根据其兴趣和技能做出调整。
Cultural variation in the goals of development
发展目标的文化差异
Differences across cultures in guided participation involve variation in the skills and values that are promoted according to cultural goals of maturity. Cultural communities vary in their institutions and related tools and technologies. Cultural psychologists and sociocultural theorists have argued that underlying the cognitive differences across cultural (or historical) groups are intellectual tools such as literacy and arithmetic (Cole and Griffin, 1980; Rogoff,1981b; Rogoff et al., 1984; Scribner and Cole, 1981; Vygotsky, 1978, 1987). Communities differ in the skills considered important(e.g., reading, weaving, sorcery, healing, managing people) and approaches valued (e.g., individual achievement, speed in performance, interpersonal harmony).
引导参与在文化间的区别，包括技能和价值观的变化，成熟的文化目标可促进其发展。文化社会在其体制、相关工具和技术方面各不相同。文化心理学家和社会文化理论家主张，文化（历史）团体之间认知差别的基础是智力工具，比如识字和算术（Cole & Griffin, 1980; Rogoff, 1981b; Rogoff et al., 1984; Scribner & Cole, 1981; Vygotsky, 1978, 1987）。社会技能上的差异被认为是重要的（比如，具有阅读、编织、巫术、治疗、管理能力的人），宝贵的（比如，个体成就、行动速度、人际和谐）。
Skills for the use of cultural tools such as literacy begin to be practiced even before children have contact with the technology in its mature form. Middle-class US parents involve their children in "literate" forms of narrative in preschool discourse,as they embed their children in a way of life in which reading and writing are integral to communication, recreation, and livelihood (Cazden, 1988; Heath, 1982, 1983; Michaels and Cazden, 1986;Taylor, 1983).
使用文化工具的技能，比如识字，甚至在儿童接触到该技术的成熟形式之前，就已经开始实践。美国中产阶级家长以故事的形式，让其子女在学前会话中接触到“文化”，正如他们将其子女融入到这样一种生活方式中，读写对于交流、休闲、生计都是不可或缺的（Cazden, 1988; Heath, 1982, 1983; Michaels and Cazden, 1986;Taylor, 1983）。
Cultural differences in children's activities are apparent in the chores in which the mothers reported that their toddlers participated. Most of the toddlers helped with sweeping or food preparation, but most Salt Lake City toddlers also helped manage household machines such as vacuum cleaners and dishwashers; the Mayan children had less involvement with machines, but some had roles in economic activities of the adult world, such as running errands to a corner store and trying to weave.
儿童活动中的文化差别，表现在家务劳动中，母亲报告说，他们的子女参与家务劳动。大多数幼儿帮助打扫卫生或准备饭菜，但大多数盐湖城幼儿是在帮助管理家用电器，比如真空吸尘器、洗碗机；玛雅儿童则较少使用电器，而是在成人世界里承担一些经济活动的任务，比如跑腿到街头小店、尝试编织。
Toddlers' guided participation 233
幼儿的引导参与，第二三三页
Cultural variation in adult-child roles and communication
在成人幼儿角色与交流中的文化差异
The reappear to be striking cultural differences in the means available for children to observe and participate in culturally important activities as well as to receive instruction outside the context of skilled activity. These differences relate to variations in the explicitness and intensity of verbal and non-verbal communication and the interactional status of children and adults (Field, Sostek, Vietze, and Leiderman, 1981; Leiderman, Tulkin, and Rosenfeld, 1977; Whiting and Edwards, 1988). Rogoff (1990) suggested that these cultural differences fit together into patterns that vary in terms of the responsibility adults take for reaching children in cultures in which children do not participate in adult activities,and the responsibility children take for learning in cultures in which they have the opportunity to observe and participate in mature cultural activities.
儿童，在重要文化活动中，观察和实践到的可用方法上，重现醒目文化差异，以及在熟练活动环境之外接受教导。这些差别与口头和非口头交流的清晰度和强度的变化，以及儿童于成年人的互动状态有关（Field, Sostek, Vietze, and Leiderman, 1981; Leiderman, Tulkin, and Rosenfeld, 1977; Whiting and Edwards, 1988）。罗格夫（1990）声称，这些文化差异组合成若干模式，在成年人利用文化影响儿童的责任方面各有不同，成年人在影响儿童时儿童并不参与成年人的活动。同时儿童为学习文化承担的责任也各不相同，儿童在学习时有机会在成熟文化活动中观察和实践。
Cultural variation in verbal and non-verbal communication
在口头和非口头交流中的文化差异
An emphasis on explicit, declarative statements - in contrast to tacit, procedural, and subtle forms of verbal and non-verbal instruction - appears to characterize cultures that promote Western schooling (John-Sreiner, 1984; Jordan, 1977; Rogoff, 1981b, 1982a; Scribner 1974; Scribner and Cole, 1973). The emphasis of Western researchers on talking as the appropriate means of adult-child interaction may reflect a cultural bias that overlooks the information provided by silence, gaze, postural changes, smells, and touch. Middle-class US infants have been characterized as "packaged" babies who do not have direct skin contact with their caregiver (Whiting, 1981) and often spend more than one-third of their time in a room separate from any other people. US infants are held approximately half the time, as are Gusii (Kenyan) infants (Richman, Miller, and Solomon, 1988).
清晰的、宣言式陈述的重点——相比于口头和非口头教育沉默的、机械的、微妙的形式——显示出促进西方学校教育的文化特征（John-Sreiner, 1984; Jordan, 1977; Rogoff, 1981b, 1982a; Scribner 1974; Scribner and Cole, 1973）。西方研究者强调，谈话，作为长幼互动的适当方法可能反映了一种文化偏见，即忽略沉默、眼神、体态改变、嗅觉、触觉中得到的信息。美国中产阶级幼儿被定性为襁褓中的婴儿，与其照顾者没有直接肌肤接触（Whiting, 1981），超过三分之一的时间呆在房间里，与其他人隔离开来。美国幼儿被人抱着的时间大约只有古昔（肯尼亚）幼儿时间的一半（Richman, Miller, and Solomon, 1988）。
The physical separation of US infants from other people may necessitate the use of distal forms of communication such as vocalizing. In contrast with US children's use of distal communication, children who are constantly in the company of their caregivers may rely more on non-verbal cues, such as direction of gaze or facial expression. Infants who are in almost constant skin-to-skin contact with their mothers may manage effective communication through tactile contact in squirming and postural changes.
美国幼儿与其他人身体上的隔离，使得远程形式的交流成为必需，如声音。相对于美国幼儿使用远程交流方式，得到照顾者陪同的儿童，更多依赖于非语言的暗示，比如眼神或表情的指示。总是与母亲肌肤接触的儿童，能够通过扭动和改变姿势时的触觉接触对交流进行有效管理。
In our observations, almost all of the toddlers received both explanations and demonstrations of what they were to do with the nesting doll, dough, and baby doll from their caregivers. However,the amount of parental talk to the Salt Lake City toddlers was much greater, as can be seen in Table 13.1. Most Salt Lake City caregivers used many sentences, whereas most Mayan caregivers spoke few sentences and some spoke none.
在我们的观察中，几乎所有照顾者都向其幼儿解释和演示，如何使用嵌套娃娃、橡皮泥、幼儿玩偶。然而，盐湖城家长与幼儿交谈的次数更多，如表13.1所示。大多数盐湖城照顾者使用很多语句，相反大多数玛雅照顾者使用少量语句，少数甚至不说话。
234 Cultural perspectives and practices
文化视角与实践，第二三四页
Table13.1 Episodes with differing amounts of talk, by toddlers' age
表13.1 按照谈话数量和幼儿年纪分类视频片段
|
Salt Lake City |
|
Mayan community |
|
|
12-16mo |
20-23 mo |
12-16 mo |
20-23 mo |
Total no. of episodes |
12
|
12
|
12
|
11
|
Caregiver's talk |
|
|
|
|
Many sentences
|
8
|
8
|
2
|
4
|
A few sentences
|
4
|
2
|
6
|
5
|
Phrases at most
|
0
|
2
|
4
|
2
|
Toddlers' talk
|
|
|
|
|
Many words; phrases
|
8
|
1
|
0
|
0
|
A few words
|
3
|
6
|
3
|
0
|
No words
|
1
|
5
|
9
|
11
|
.
|
盐湖城 |
|
玛雅社会 |
|
|
12-16个月 |
20-23个月 |
12-16个月 |
20-23个月 |
视频片段总数 |
12
|
12
|
12
|
11
|
照顾者说话次数 |
|
|
|
|
许多话 |
8
|
8
|
2
|
4
|
一些话 |
4
|
2
|
6
|
5
|
几个词语 |
0
|
2
|
4
|
2
|
幼儿说话次数 |
|
|
|
|
许多词语；成句 |
8
|
1
|
0
|
0
|
一些词语 |
3
|
6
|
3
|
0
|
没有词语
|
1
|
5
|
9
|
11
|
The Salt Lake City caregivers averaged 2.0 episodes with extensive talk, whereas the Mayan caregivers averaged only 0.9 episodes with extensive talk, F(l,l4) = 4.8, p<0.05.
盐湖城照顾者平均进行了2.0次大量交谈的片段，相反玛雅照顾者平均只进行了0.9次大量交谈的片段，F(l,l4) = 4.8, p<0.05.
The Mayan toddlers, in turn, were much less talkative: most of the older Salt Lake City toddlers' episodes involved speaking many words or phrases, whereas most of the Mayan episodes involved no talk at all by the toddler. (The community difference was significant, F[l,l4} = 24.9, p = 0.0003, as was the age difference, F[l,l4] = 6.9, p = 0.02.)
反过来，玛雅幼儿更加沉默：大多数年长的盐湖城幼儿在表现中说了很多词汇或者句子，相反玛雅幼儿的表现是根本不说话。（社会差别非常显著，F[l,l4} = 24.9, p = 0.0003, 按照年龄区别，F[l,l4] = 6.9, p = 0.02.）
Caregivers' use of some forms of non-verbal communication was similar across the two communities. Most caregivers used action communication, guiding the toddlers' hands or the object or indicating with gestures.
两个社会中，照顾者使用某种形式的非语言交流，是相同的。大多数照顾者使用行动交流，引导幼儿的手或者目标，或者用姿势作出指示。
There were differences between the caregivers from the two communities in other kinds of non-verbal communication as well. The Mayan caregivers' interactions relied more on information carried in gaze or postural or timing changes: the exchange of information by means of caregivers' gaze or by means of changes in caregivers' posture or pacing was essential for communication during an average of 1.9 and 2.2 Mayan episodes, respectively, and for only 0.5 and 0.2 Salt Lake City episodes, F(1,14) = 6.4, p= 0.02; F(1,14) = 32.0, p = 0.0001.
两个社会的照顾者，在其他类型的非语言形式交流中，也存在着差异。玛雅照顾者的互动更多依赖于眼神、姿势、速度变化传达的信息：照顾者通过眼神的方式，或者照顾者改变姿势、速度，交换信息，对于交流是必不可少的，各自平均出现1.9次和2.2次玛雅片段，在盐湖城片段中仅出现0.5次和0.2次，F(1,14) = 6.4, p= 0.02; F(1,14) = 32.0, p = 0.0001.
The Mayan babies, like the Mayan caregivers, relied more on non-verbal communication through action communication, gaze, and changes in posture or pacing. In an average of 1.6 and 1.9 Mayan episodes but only 0.5 and 0.8 Salt Lake City episodes, toddlers guided their partner's hands or the object, or gestured, F(1,14) = 7.2, p<0.02; F(1,14) = 4.9, p = 0.04. Toddlers' gaze and changes in posture or pacing were essential during an average of 1.8 and 2.1 of the Mayan episodes, respectively, but in only 0.4 and 0 of the Salt Lake City episodes, F(1,14) = 6.9, p = 0.02; F(1,14) = 51.9, p = 0.
玛雅婴儿，类似于玛雅照顾者，更多依赖于非语言交流，如动作交流、眼神、改变姿势和速度。平均出现1.6和1.9次玛雅片段，在盐湖城片段中仅出现0.5次和0.8次，幼儿引导其伙伴的手、目标、姿势，F(1,14) = 7.2, p<0.02; F(1,14) = 4.9, p = 0.04. 幼儿的眼神、改变姿势和速度，在各自平均1.8和2.1次玛雅片段中属于必不可少的，而在盐湖城片段中仅出现0.4和0次，F(1,14) = 6.9, p = 0.02; F(1,14) = 51.9, p = 0.
Toddlers' guided participation 235
幼儿的引导参与，第二三五页
The Mayan caregivers held their hands in readiness to assist the toddlers more frequently than the Salt Lake City caregivers (on 2.4 versus 1.1 episodes, F[1,14] = 10.0, p < 0.007), suggesting preparedness for the subtle communication of the Mayan children regarding a need for assistance.
相比于盐湖城照顾者，玛雅照顾者时刻准备着更频繁的帮助幼儿（前者1.1，后者2.4，F[1,14] = 10.0, p < 0.007），表明将玛雅儿童的微妙交流视作需要帮助的信号。
Cultural variation in adult-child status and locus of responsibility for learning
成年人与儿童在学习中的责任定位与轨迹的文化差异
Variations in the relative status of children and adults have been noted in observations of cultural differences regarding the likelihood of adults serving as play partners with children or carrying on conversations as if children were their peers. These status variations may relate to children's opportunities to participate in adult activities and thereby learn through involvement rather than needing separate child-focused teaching situations and interactions.
在对有关成年人担任儿童玩伴、将儿童当作伙伴进行对话的可能性文化差异的观察中，注意到成年人与儿童的相对定位的变化。这种定位的变化与儿童参与成人活动的机会有关，因此通过参与学习而非需要单独的、一位同为核心的教学状况与互动。
Adults in peer or asymmetrical roles with children
成年人与儿童平等或不对称的角色
In some communities, young children are not expected to be conversational peers with adults, initiating interactions and interacting as equals in the conversation (Blount, 1972; Harkness and Super, 1977; Schieffelin and Eisenberg, 1984). Instead, they may speak when spoken to, replying to informational questions or simply carrying out directions. Children converse and play not with parents but with other children and kin such as older cousins, uncles, and grandparents(Farran and Mistry, personal communication; Ward, 1971).
在某些社会，成年人并不将幼儿看作谈话对象，与之展开互动，在交流中平等对待（Blount, 1972; Harkness and Super, 1977; Schieffelin and Eisenberg, 1984）。事实上，与他们说话时他们也会说话，他们也会回到信息问题，或者简单的指出方向。儿童不是与家长交谈玩耍，就是和其他儿童或亲戚在一起，比如年长的堂兄弟、叔叔舅舅、爷爷奶奶（Farran & Mistry, 个人交流；Ward, 1971）。
Whiting and Edwards (1988) noted that of the 12 cultural groups they studied, the US middle-class mothers ranked highest in sociability with children - interacting in a friendly, playful, or conversational way, treating children at times as status equals - whereas in the other communities mothers stressed training or nurturant involvement with children, maintaining authority and dominance with respect to children.
怀定和爱德华兹（1988）指出，他们所研究的十二个文化群体当中，美国中产阶级母亲在与儿童社交方面得分最高——以友好、有趣、谈话的方式互动，时常以平等的身份对待儿童——反之，其他社会的母亲强制训练或照顾儿童，维持对于儿童的权威和支配地位。
In the Mayan community in which we carried out the research, when older children interact with adults it is in the context of adult work. Rogoff (1981a) observed that adults were as likely as or more likely than peers to be interacting with 9-year-olds when the children were doing household or agricultural work, but they were almost never involved with them when children were playing. Play is a domain for peer interaction, not adult companionship. During free time, children beyond age 3 or 4 move around town with a multi-age group of children, amusing themselves by observing ongoing events and imitating their elders in play, most of which involves emulation of adult activities.
我们在玛雅社会进行的研究，当大孩子与成年人互动的时候，都发生在成年人的工作环境中。罗格夫（1981a）观察到，当儿童做家务、做农活的时候，成年人比同龄伙伴更有可能与九龄童进行互动，但儿童玩耍的时候他们几乎从不参与进去。玩耍是同龄伙伴互动的专有领域，不需要成年人的友谊。在闲暇时间，一群三四岁以上各年龄都有的儿童围着镇子转圈，观察正在发生的事情，模仿长辈的活动，讨自己开心。多数都是在模仿成年人的活动。
Whereas US middle-class mothers consider it part of their role to play with their children - all eight of the Salt Lake City mothers reported that they and the children's fathers often play with the baby —seven of the eight Mayan mothers reported that neither parent played with the child.
反之美国中产阶级母亲，认为与儿童玩耍是自己工作的一部分——所有八名盐湖城母亲报告说，他们及孩子父亲常与孩子玩耍——八名玛雅母亲中的七名报告说，家长从未与孩子玩耍过。
236 Cultural perspectives and practices
文化视角与实践，第二三六页
Several Mayan mothers laughed with embarrassment at the idea of playing with their children, as being a playmate is the role of other children and occasionally grandparents. When a toddler is playing, reported the Mayan mothers, it is time for a mother to get her work done.
少数玛雅母亲觉得与孩子玩耍的想法及困惑又可笑，充当玩伴的应当是其他儿童，偶尔也包括祖父母。当幼儿玩耍的时候，玛雅母亲报告说，这正是作为母亲完成家务的时候。
Ochs and Schieffelin (1984) contrasted two cultural patterns of speech between young children and their caregivers. In middle-class US families, caregivers simplify their talk, negotiate meaning with children, cooperate in building propositions, and respond to verbal and non-verbal initiations by the child. In Kaluli New Guinea and Samoan families, caregivers model unsimplified utterances for the child to repeat to a third party, direct the child to notice others, and build interaction around circumstances to which caregivers wish the child to respond. Ochs and Schieffelin pointed to the difference in adults adapting to children versus children adapting to adults. In both of these patterns, children participate in activities of the society, but the patterns vary in terms of children's versus caregivers' responsibilities to adapt in the process of learning or teaching mature forms of speech and action.
奥克斯和施福林（ 1984）对比两种文化模式下，幼儿与其照顾者之间的谈话方式。在美国中产阶级家庭中，照顾者简化他们的谈话，与儿童商定含义，共同构建观点，响应儿童发起的口头或非口头交流。在新几内亚卡路里地区和萨摩亚的家庭，照顾者在向儿童复述第三方说话时，一般不简化语言，直接通知儿童，并围绕照顾者希望儿童要应付的环境建立互动。奥克斯和施福林指出了成年人适应儿童与儿童适应成年人之间的区别。在这两组模式中，儿童都参与社会活动，但是与儿童责任方面的变化相比，照顾者的责任能够适应学习或者教学的过程中的谈话和行动熟练模式。
Opportunities for children to participate in and to observe adult activities
儿童参与并观察成年人活动的机会
The adaptation of caregivers to children may be more necessary in societies that segregate children from adult activities, thereby requiring them to practice skills or learn information outside the mature context of use (Rogoff, 1981a, 1990). In the US middle class, children are segregated from the work and recreational world of adults, and they learn about skills they may eventually need in order to participate in their society as adults in a separate context specialized for the purpose (i.e., school).
照顾者对儿童的适应，在将儿童于成年人活动隔离开的社会，可能更为必要，因为要求他们实践的技能或学习的信息，都是他们所处熟悉环境之外的（Rogoff, 1981a, 1990）。在美国中产阶级，儿童与成年人的工作和娱乐世界相隔，他们要在一个为了最终目标专门隔离开来的环境中（比如，学校），学习最终作为成年人在其社会中使用的技能。
Young US middle-class children seldom have much chance to participate in the economic functioning of the households and may be segregated from human company by the provision of separate bedrooms and a focus on attention to objects rather than people. Infants are often entirely alone for as much as 10 of 24 hours, managing as best they can to handle their hunger or thirst or comforting needs with objects (Morelli et al., 1988; Ward, 1971; Whiting, 1981). All eight of the Salt Lake City toddlers had their own separate beds, and six of the eight had their own rooms; all eight of the Mayan toddlers slept in the same room as their parents, and seven slept in the same bed with their mothers(and usually with father or siblings as well).
美国中产阶级幼儿，很少有机会参与家庭的经济活动，提供单独卧室与其他人分隔开，关心的是物体而非人。二十四个小时中，幼儿独处多达十个小时以上，对他们最好的管理就是处理好他们的饥饿和口渴、物体的舒适需求（Morelli 等, 1988; Ward, 1971; Whiting, 1981）。所有八名盐湖城幼儿都有他们自己独立的小床，其中六名有他们自己的卧室；所有八名玛雅幼儿与其家长睡在同一卧室，其中七名与其母亲睡在同一张床上（通常还包括父亲或其他兄弟姐妹）。
In communities in which children are integrated in adult activities, children are ensured a role in the action, at least as close observers. Children are present at most events of interest in the community, from work to recreation to church. They are able to observe and eavesdrop on the ongoing processes of life and death, work and play, that are important in their community.
在儿童参与进成年人活动的社会中，确保了儿童在活动中的作用，至少是一名密切观察者。儿童出现在社会上所有感兴趣的活动中，从工作到娱乐到教堂。他们能够观察和旁听正在发生的生命交替、工作娱乐，这对他们的社会很重要。
Toddlers' guided participation 237
幼儿的引导参与，第二三七页
As infants, they are often carried wherever their caregiver goes, and as young children they may do errands and roam the town in their free time, watching whatever is going on. As non-participants in ordinary adult conversation, they may eavesdrop on important adult activities from which non-participant adults may be excluded.
无论照顾者去哪里，都常常带着幼儿，并且因为少儿经常跑腿，在闲暇时间游荡小镇，观看任何正在发生的事情。作为成年人一般交谈的非参与者，他们会从被排除在外的非参与成年人那儿，偷听到成年人的重要活动。
Gaskins and Lucy (1987) noted that children's lower status and freedom to observe in a Mayan community in Mexico means that children have access to information unavailable to adults, providing extra eyes and ears for their mothers who stay at home and extract information regarding village events from the children. Mothers' questions about events focus children's attention on the relevant features of ongoing activities, guiding the children as to what aspects of events are significant. Observation and eavesdropping serve as an active method of obtaining information.
加斯金斯和露西（ 1987）指出，在墨西哥玛雅社会中，儿童较低的地位，旁观的自由，意味着儿童能够获得成年人得不到的信息，从伙伴处得到村里事情的额外信息，为呆在家里的母亲提供额外的眼睛耳朵。母亲对事情的关心侧重点，使得儿童将注意力放在当下活动的相关特征上，引导儿童看重事情的特定方面。旁观与偷听，充当了获取信息的积极方法。
Children's versus adults' responsibility for learning and teaching
儿童与成年人对于学习和教学的不同责任
Cultural variation in the symmetry of children's and adults' roles and in the opportunities for children to observe and participate in adult activities may relate to cultural expectations that children are responsible for learning or that adults are responsible for making children learn through teaching(Rogoff, 1990).
儿童与成年人角色均衡性上的文化差异，以及在儿童观察和参与成年人活动的机会方面，都与文化期待有关，儿童负责学习，成年人负责通过教学让儿童学习（Rogoff, 1990）。
Eavesdropping versus peer-status conversation and language lessons
在交谈和语言课程中，偷听与伙伴关系的差别
Ward(1971) offered an eavesdropping account of language learning in her description of a black community in Louisiana, in which "the silent absorption in community life, the participation in the daily commercial rituals, and the hours spent apparently overhearing adults' conversations should not be underestimated in their impact on a child's language growth" (p. 37). Small children are not conversational partners with adults, people with whom to"engage in dialogue." Children are not encouraged to learn skills in initiating and monopolizing conversation with adults on topics of their own choosing (skills useful in middle-class schooling). Questions between children and adults involve requests for information, not questions asked for the sake of conversation, or for parents to drill children on topics about which the parents already know the answers. However, mothers' speech to children, although not taking the form of a dialogue, is carefully regularized, providing workable models of the language used in the community.
沃德（1971）提供了一份有关语言学习的偷听报告，在其对路易斯安那州黑人社区的描述中，“在社区生活中默默地吸收，参与日常商业礼仪，似乎花费数小时偷听成年人的交谈，不应该低估对儿童语言成长的冲击”（第三十七页）。小孩子不是成年人的谈话伙伴，人们邀请他们“对答”。并不鼓励儿童学习在自己所选主题上发起并把持与成年人谈话的技能（这是在中产阶级学校教育中有用的技能）。儿童与成年人之间相互提问，意味着信息的需求，问问题不是为了找理由谈话，也不是家长在已知答案的课题方面训练儿童。然而，母亲对儿童的讲话，虽然没有采用对答的形式，但也经过仔细规划，提供了可行的社会用语言模型。
Heath(1983) similarly reported that working-class black Carolina adults did not see young children as conversational partners. Rather, the toddlers were always surrounded by others and moved through phases of echoing and experimenting with variation on the speech around them - at first ignored but gradually participating by making themselves part of ongoing discourse.
希思（1983）同样报告说，
卡罗来纳州工人阶级的黑人成年人，没有把幼儿看作谈话伙伴。相反，幼儿总是被他人包围，通过重复和尝试他周围言语的变化而前进——最开始忽略，然后逐渐参与，让自己成为当前讨论的一分子。
238 Cultural perspectives and practices
文化视角与实践，第二三八页
Adults encouraged verbal facility by instigating and appreciating preschoolers' involvement in assertive challenging and scolding exchanges with adults and other children. However, because children were not seen as information givers, they were not asked test questions for which adults already had an answer, such as questions of fact or detail.
成年人通过提倡和赞赏学前儿童参与自信挑战，斥责与成年人和其他儿童之间的交流，从而鼓励语言运用能力。然而，因为儿童不被视作信息提供者，因此不要求他们应对成年人已经有答案的问题，比如关于事实和细节的问题。
An example of instructional discourse between an adult and a toddler, with peer interactional status and test questions, appears with a 21-mont-old Salt Lake City child handling the baby doll with his mother:
在一个成年人与幼儿的教学对话的示例中，使用伙伴互动和应试问题，发生在二十一个月大的盐湖城儿童与其母亲一起玩洋娃娃活动中：
The mother handed the doll to the toddler, saying, "What is it? Is that a baby? Can you take care of the baby?" with babytalk intonation. The toddler explored the doll and pointed to the eye,commenting, "Eye." His mother confirmed, "eye,"and he asked "What dat?" as he pointed at the doll's face. The mother clarified and answered his question: "What's that? Her mouth." After some further interaction, the mother chirped "Where's her belly button?" When he pointed to the doll's belly button, the mother evaluated his response, "All right!" in the classic question- response-evaluation sequence that Mehan (1979) has documented as teacher-student discourse in the classroom.
母亲将洋娃娃递给幼儿，用儿语强调说：“这是什么？是不是洋娃娃？你会照顾洋娃娃么？”幼儿探索洋娃娃，指着眼睛解释道：“眼睛。”他母亲确认：“眼睛。”他又指着娃娃的脸问：“那系虾米？”他母亲纠正发音并回答问题：“那是什么？他的嘴巴。”经过几次更进一步的互动，母亲开心地问道：“她的肚脐在哪里？”当幼儿指到娃娃的肚脐，母亲评价他的回答：“正确！”这是典型的提问回答评价序列，由米晗（1979）记载为课堂师生讨论方式。
In an average of 2.2 Salt Lake City episodes, parents interacted with toddlers as conversational peers, asking their opinions, responding to their vocalizations as conversation, and providing openings for equal dialogic exchanges, whereas the Mayan toddlers were treated as conversational peers in only 1 of 23 episodes, F(l,l4) = 106, p = 0. The Salt Lake City toddlers assumed a peer role in 1.9 of the episodes, offering comments and initiating optional conversation but the Mayan toddlers never took a peer conversational role with their parents, F(l,l4) = 22.2, p = 0.0003. Nonetheless, the toddlers in both communities interacted reciprocally with their parents in almost all episodes with joint action and action communication. It is the presence of verbal dialogue that most differentiates the interactions of the two communities.
在平均2.2次盐湖城片段中，家长与幼儿的互动是将幼儿当作交谈伙伴的，征求他们的意见，将其发声当作谈话加以回答，提供平等对话交流的开口机会。相反，在二十三份玛雅片段中只有一份将幼儿当作交谈伙伴，F(l,l4) = 106, p = 0. 在1.9段片段中，盐湖城幼儿被当作平等伙伴，提供解说，发起可选交谈，而玛雅家长从未将幼儿当作平等交谈伙伴，F(l,l4) = 22.2, p = 0.0003. 话虽如此，在几乎所有片段的共同活动和动作交流中，这两个社区的幼儿都与其家长平等互动。这种口头对话在两个社区的互动中存在非常大的不同。
Many of the episodes with the Salt Lake City toddlers involved talk that can be seen as lessons in language use; such language lessons almost never occurred in the Mayan episodes. The Salt Lake City caregivers used marked baby talk intonations and speech in an average of 2.5 episodes; the Mayan caregivers did in only 0.5 episodes, F(l,l4) = 18.7, p = 0.0007. The Salt Lake City caregivers used test questions, asking for information they already knew, in an average of 1.4 episodes; the Mayan parents never did, F(l,l4) = 13.4, p = 0.002. The Salt Lake City caregivers labeled events or object parts didactically, produced running commentaries describing and evaluating ongoing events, and they played word games in 2.1, 2.1, and 1.0 episodes, respectively; the corresponding amounts for the Mayan caregivers were 0.4, 0.1, and 0.1episodes, Fs = 19.6, 28.9, 8.8, ps<0.01.
许多片段中的盐湖城幼儿都参与谈话，这可看作运用语言的课程，这类语言课程几乎从不发生在玛雅片段中。在平均2.5次片段中，盐湖城照顾者使用标志性的儿语腔调；玛雅照顾者仅出现0.5次片段，F(l,l4) = 18.7, p = 0.0007. 盐湖城照顾者使用应试问题，问他们已经知道的信息，出现平均1.4次片段；玛雅家长从不这样做，F(l,l4) = 13.4, p = 0.002. 盐湖城照顾者说教式的分类事件、分解物体，对当下事件形成实时评论和评价，他们分别在2.1，2.1，1.0次片段中玩字词游戏。玛雅照顾者对应的数量为0.4，0.1，0.1次片段，Fs = 19.6, 28.9, 8.8, ps<0.01.
This finding does not necessarily mean that the Salt Lake City parents were self-consciously producing such "lessons";
该发现并不必然意味着盐湖城家长都在自觉形成这种“课程”；
Toddlers' guided participation 239
幼儿的引导参与，第二三九页
they may have been, or they may have interacted with their children in this manner in an intuitive fashion. Whatever their explicit purpose, the differences in types of adult-toddler talk in the two communities are striking.
他们或曾经或正在以一种直观的课程方式，与其子女互动。无论其目标清晰与否，两社区长幼谈话类型的差别都很显著。
In communities in which children are not conversational partners of adults, they may be poorly prepared for the pattern of discourse used in school, but they become proficient in the language and other skills of their community. They are able to learn from observing and eavesdropping as ever-present members of the community, their growing participation in daily activities from an early age, the questions and directives and demonstrations of adults, and their playful talk with other children.
在儿童不是成年人交谈伙伴的社会中，他们可能很少为在学校使用的交谈模式做准备，但是他们变得精通他们社会语言和其他技能。作为社会无处不在的成员，他们能够从观察和偷听中学习，他们从幼年开始，逐渐参与到日常活动，比如，成年人的提问、指导和示范，他们与其他儿童的玩笑话。
Observation and attention management
观察与注意力管理
With opportunities to observe ongoing activity and to help when necessary, children from many cultures begin to participate in chores and other activities from age 3 or 4, when they begin to see what to do; they assume responsibilities for child, animal, and house care by age 5 or 7 (Rogoff et al., 1975; Ward, 1971; Whiting and Edwards, 1988). Their role grows and their opportunities to practice are amplified by their interest in participation and by their parents' setting them tasks within their capabilities and providing suggestions and demonstrations in the context of joint activity. In observations in the Mayan community, native observers identified only 6 of 1,708 occasions in which 9-year-olds were explicitly being taught outside of school(Rogoff, 1981a).
观察正在发生的活动，在必要的时候施以援手，许多文化的儿童从三四岁就开始参加家务活其他劳动，那时他们开始明白在做什么，五到七岁的时候承担照顾儿童、动物、看家的责任（Rogoff 等, 1975; Ward, 1971; Whiting and Edwards, 1988）。他们的责任在增多，他们实践的机会随着参与的兴趣越发多起来，父母根据他们的能力为他们安排任务，在共同活动环境中为他们提供建议、演示操作。在对玛雅社区的观察中，当地观察者仅在一千七百零八次事情中观察到六例，九龄童在校外得到明确教授（Rogoff, 1981a）。
An example of children's learning in the context of participation is Mayan mothers' reports of how their children learn to make tortillas. Although the Mayan mothers give pointers and structure their children's efforts, they do not regard the process as teaching; they claim that the children simply learn. They, along with researchers, seem to regard teaching as the sort of interaction that goes on in schools. According to Mayan mothers, 1- to 2-year-olds observe their mothers making tortillas and attempt to follow suit. The mothers give them a small piece of dough to use and facilitate their efforts by rolling the dough in a ball and starting the flattening process.The toddler's "tortilla" is cooked and eaten by family members. As the child gains skill in making tortillas, the mother adds pointers and demonstrations to facilitate holding the dough in a position that facilitates smooth flattening, and the children can witness the outcome of their own efforts and contribute to making meals. The child observes carefully and participates, and the mother simplifies the task to the child's level of skill and demonstrates and gives suggestions during the process of joint activity.
玛雅母亲报告了一例儿童在参与环境中学习的例子，儿童学习如何制作玉米饼。虽然玛雅母亲给出了提示，整理子女的成果，但是他们并不将这一过程看作教学。他们宣称，只要孩子学习就行。他们与研究人员一起，似乎都把教学看作是发生在学校里的一类互动。据玛雅母亲所言，一二岁幼儿观察母亲做玉米饼，然后尝试模仿。母亲给他们一小团面团，帮助他们努力将面团撮圆捏扁。幼儿做的玉米饼经过烹饪，全家分食。儿童掌握了制作玉米饼的技能，母亲增加指示，示范轻松捏住面团一处，轻松顺利地捏扁，儿童可以见证自己努力的成果，自己制作的饭菜。儿童仔细观察、参与，母亲简化任务适合儿童的技能水平，在共同活动过程中，演示操作、给出建议。
Questions by children to adults are rare in some communities (Heath, 1983). Learners' questions to a teacher may be regarded as impolite challenges in that they involve a subordinate obliging a superior to respond.
在某些社会，罕有儿童向成年人提问（Heath, 1983）。学习者向教师提问会被认为是无理挑衅，因为这意味着下级迫使上级作出回应。
240 Cultural perspectives and practices
文化视角与实践，第二四零页
This exchange implies that the subordinate has the right to hold the superior responsible for the information requested, as Goody(1978) observed in the apprenticeship of Gonja youths learning to weave.
这种交流意味着下级有权要求上级为所请求信息负责，如古迪（1978）在贡贾学习编制的青年人身上观察到的学徒关系。
Rather than relying on questions and explanations to organize their learning, observers may be skilled in picking up information through watching, on some occasions without hands-on participation. Nash(1967) reported that the method of learning to use the footloom in a "weaving factory in Guatemala is for the learner (an adult) to sit beside a skilled weaver for a period of weeks, simply observing, asking no questions and receiving no explanation. The learner may fetch a spool of thread from time to time for the weaver but does not carry out the process, until after a period of weeks the learner feels competent to begin. At that point,the learner has become a skilled weaver simply by watching and by attending to whatever demonstrations the skilled weaver has provided.
与依赖于提问解答来组织学习不同的是，观察者通过观察收集信息，在某些情况下并不实际参与。纳什（1967）报告说，在危地马拉的纺织厂，学习使用脚踏织机的方法是“学习者（成年人）在一名熟练纺织工旁边坐一个星期，只是观察，不能提问，也得不到任何解释。”学习者时不时为纺织工取下绕线轴，但他们并不参与纺织，直到一周以后，学习者觉得可以开始工作了。在这一点上，学习者仅仅通过观察、注意熟练纺织工提供的示范，就成为熟练纺织工。
In our observations, the Mayan toddlers appeared more likely to monitor peripheral social events outside their own activity or their activity with their caregiver (doing so during an average of 2.5 episodes) than were the Salt Lake City toddlers (who monitored during an average of 1.1 episodes). The Mayan toddlers appeared to be able to attend to several events simultaneously (e.g., working the object with the caregiver and monitoring other conversation, glancing at and being involved with the flow of events, on an average of 2.1 episodes), whereas the Salt Lake City toddlers seldom appeared to attend to several events simultaneously (averaging only 0.4 episodes, F[1,14] = 25.4, p = 0.0002). The Salt Lake City toddlers were more likely to attend to one event at a time: their own activity or a joint activity, either exclusively or alternating attention between their own activity and other events.
在我们的观察中，玛雅幼儿看起来更倾向于在做自己的活动或在和照顾者一起活动时监视周围的社会事件（在平均2.5次片段中这样做），多于盐湖城幼儿（在平均1.1次片段中监视）。玛雅幼儿似乎能够同时关心几项活动（比如，在与照顾者一起玩玩具的同时，注意其他谈话，平均2.1次片段，瞥一眼并参与正在发生的事情），反之盐湖城幼儿似乎很少同时关心几项活动（平均仅0.4次片段，F[1,14] = 25.4, p = 0.0002）。盐湖城幼儿更有可能在一时间关心一项事情：他们自己的活动或共同活动，或者排他性的或者交替注意他们自己的活动和其他活动。
The Mayan caregivers, like the children, appeared able to engage attention with several events simultaneously. Their timesharing of attention may have been facilitated by their reserving verbal channels of communication for adult conversation and relying heavily on non-verbal channels - gaze, posture, timing, and action communication - with the toddlers. In an average of 2.2 episodes, they tracked several events simultaneously, compared with 0.5 Salt Lake City episodes, F(1,14) = 22.9,p = 0.0003. The Salt Lake caregivers usually alternated attention with other events if there were competing events that caught their attention.
玛雅照顾者，和幼儿一样，似乎能够同时关心几项事情。他们的分时注意力安排在与成年人交谈时，保留口头交流渠道，与幼儿交流时，很大程度上依赖于非口头渠道——眼神、姿态、速度、动作交流。在平均2.2次片段中，他们同时跟踪几项事情，相对应的，只出现0.5次盐湖城片段，F(1,14) = 22.9,p = 0.0003. 如果有其他事情引起盐湖城照顾者的注意，他们通常交替注意其他事情。
In communities in which observation is possible, people may be especially active and skilled observers. Mainstream middle-class researchers, who may rely less on observation, tend to think of observation as passive. However, this research suggests that in some settings children and adults are skilled and active in attending to what they watch. In the guided participation of children in cultural communities that stress children's responsibility for learning, children may have the opportunity to observe and participate in the skills of the community and may develop impressive skills in observation, with less explicit child-centered interaction to integrate the child in the activities of society.
在那些有可能观察的社区，人们会是特别活跃，特别熟练的观察者。主流中产阶级研究者，可能较少依赖观察，往往认为观察是被动的。然而，这项研究表明，某些环境中的儿童和成年人擅长并积极关注他们所看到的事情。在指导儿童参与强调儿童学习责任的文化社会，儿童会有机会观察并分享社会技能，并培养观察到的重要技能，用不那么明显的以儿童为中心的互动，使儿童融入社会活动。
Toddlers' guided participation 241
幼儿的引导参与，第二四一页
Skilled observation may allow skilled participation by very young children, yielding impressive skill and responsibility in such activities as tending younger children(Weisner and Gallimore, 1977) or handling knives (Sorenson, 1979).
低龄幼儿在熟练观察之后自然会熟练参与，在抚育低龄幼儿（Weisner and Gallimore, 1977）、处理刀具（Sorenson, 1979）这类活动中能培养出令人印象深刻的技能和责任。
Efforts to aid children in learning may thus vary in terms of the children's responsibility to observe and analyze the task versus the caregivers' responsibility to decompose the task and motivate the child. Dixon, LeVine, Richman, and Brazelton (1984)noted that Gusii (Kenyan) mothers gave their 6- to 36- month-old infants the responsibility for learning. They used clear "advance organizers" in instruction, often modeling the expected performance in its entirety, and appeared to expect the task to be completed exactly as specified if the child attended to it. This method contrasted with the efforts of American mothers, who took the responsibility for teaching and making their babies learn. They concentrated on arousing the children's interest and shaping their behavior step by step, providing constant encouragement and refocusing.
努力帮助儿童学习，可能会导致，儿童观察和分析任务方面的责任，与照顾者分解任务激励儿童方面的责任，两者之间的消长产生变化。迪克森、里文、里奇曼和布拉泽（1984）指出，肯尼亚古昔地区的母亲赋予他们六到三十六个月的婴幼儿学习的责任。在教导中，他们使用清晰的“高级组织者”，往往从整体为预期表现建模，如果孩子关心任务的话，则表现出希望该任务能如期完美完成。与之相对，美国母亲承担教学的责任，安排其子女学习。他们专注于逐步唤醒儿童的兴趣、塑造儿童的行为，提供不断的鼓励和调整。
In our observations, the Salt Lake City parents seemed to take greater responsibility for motivating their children and for managing their attention. The Salt Lake City parents attempted to manage their toddlers' attention in an average of 1.5 episodes, whereas only 0.4 Mayan episodes involved parental management of the child's attention, F(l,l4) = 7.2, p < 0.02. Consistent with the observations of Dixon et al., the Salt Lake City caregivers often tried to arouse their children's interest, showing mock excitement about an activity in an average of 2.0 episodes, compared with only 0.4 episodes with Mayan caregivers, F(l,l4) = 12.5, p = 0.003. Consistent with teachers' efforts to motivate, half of the Salt Lake City episodes involved praise for the child's performance, but such praise occurred only once in 23 Mayan episodes, F(l,l4) = 18.7, p = 0.0007.
在我们观察当中，盐湖城家长似乎在激励和管理儿童的注意力方面承担更多责任。盐湖城家长平均在1.5次片段中尝试管理子女的注意力，反之只有0.4段玛雅片段涉及家长管理儿童的注意力，F(l,l4) = 7.2, p < 0.02. 与迪克森等人的观察相同的是，盐湖城照顾者常常试图唤醒子女的兴趣，显示在平均2.0次片段中出现对活动的虚假兴奋，反观玛雅照顾者只有0.4次片段， F(l,l4) = 12.5, p = 0.003. 与教师激励学生的努力相同的是，半数盐湖城片段涉及称赞儿童的表现，但在玛雅片段中，这类称赞仅发生23次，F(l,l4) = 18.7, p = 0.0007.
Two toddlers with their mothers and the nesting doll
两名幼儿与其母亲玩嵌套娃娃
A contrast in verbal versus non-verbal communication, status relations of partners, and teaching versus learning emphases is apparent if we compare a 20-month-old from each community. Both are first-born boys whose handling of the nesting doll was skilled and interested and included a counting routine with their mothers. For both communities, the interaction style was extreme in similar ways: counting routines were not usual with this toy in either community (these two boys are the only children of the 16 who counted or were encouraged to count the nesting doll pieces), and both mothers appeared more concerned with their children's performance than most other mothers from their communities. For the Salt Lake City mother, the concern took the form of greater directiveness and of putting herself at times into a more extreme peer role with the child, acting like a child herself, than the other Salt Lake City mothers.
在对比语言和非语言交流时，只要我们比较两个社区二十个月孩子，就可以看清，伙伴之间的地位关系，教与学孰轻孰重。这些都是长子，玩嵌套娃娃都很熟练，也有兴趣。他们的母亲有一套计数程序。两个社区的互动方式，都极其类似：计数程序通常都不用于这一玩具（这两个男孩都只有十六个月，他们计数，或鼓励他们计数嵌套娃娃的个数），这两名母亲似乎比自己社区其他母亲更为关心子女的表现。该盐湖城母亲，关心的形式更多是指导，不时扮演更为极端的伙伴角色，比其他盐湖城母亲更像孩子。
242 Cultural perspectives and practices
文化视角与实践，第二四二页
The Mayan mother was somewhat more directive with the child than the other mothers from her community. So the style of both mothers is extreme for their communities, in the same direction.
该玛雅母亲对儿童的指导，稍多于比玛雅社区其他母亲。因此这两位母亲的风格，都在同一方向上，比各自社区都显得过激。
The most important differences between these two dyads are in status roles - the Salt Lake City mother getting on the child's level and playing or teaching versus the Mayan mother assisting the child but maintaining a difference of status - and in responsiveness and subtlety of their verbal and non-verbal communication. The differences are consistent with the Salt Lake City child being treated as the object of teaching and the Mayan child being responsible for learning. This example is in line with differences in the sample as a whole, in which Salt Lake City caregivers acted as teachers in an average of 1.1 episodes and as playmates in 1.1 episodes, whereas Mayan caregivers never acted as teachers or playmates with the toddlers: Fs = 10.3, 14.5, p < 0.006. Rather, the Mayan caregivers showed readiness to aid in their children's efforts to learn.
这两对母子最重要的差别是，角色关系——该盐湖城母亲处在儿童的位置游戏教学，该玛雅母亲帮助孩子，但处在不同的位置上——和反应速度，以及语言和非语言交流的微妙性。这种区别符合盐湖城孩子被当作教学的对象，而玛雅孩子承担学习责任这种区别。该范例与整体示例中的区别相符合，在整体示例中，盐湖城照顾者在平均1.1次片段中扮演教师，在平均1.1次片段中扮演玩伴，反之玛雅照顾者从不扮演教师或玩伴：Fs = 10.3, 14.5, p < 0.006. 但是，玛雅照顾者表示愿意帮助子女努力学习。
It is important to note that although the style of the two mothers differed, each mother used both verbal and non-verbal communication adjusted to her child, and each child was comfortably engaged with his mother in handling a problem that was challenging but supported in the interaction.
重要的是，虽然两位母亲风格不同，但每位母亲都使用语言和非语言交流来调整子女的行为，每位孩子与母亲处理问题时都很轻松，因为这是一项富有挑战，但是在互动中得到支持的问题。
The Mayan mother monitored her son's actions with the object; and though she told him clearly what to do, her moves were generally responsive rather than initiatory, and she did not overrule his agenda. The Salt Lake City mother, in contrast, interrupted her child's pace and at many moves seemed to attempt to manage the agenda, even to the point of lack of coordination of the moves between mother and child. The communication between the Mayan mother and child was subtle, whereas that between the Salt Lake City mother and child involved loud and frequent talk and large movements. The Mayan mother managed to participate in adult conversation simultaneously with her support for the baby's efforts; the Salt Lake City mother focused exclusively on the child, though other adults were also present.
该玛雅母亲监视儿子的行动，尽管他很明确的告诉孩子要做什么，但是他通常只是应答而非动手，他也不否定孩子的安排。相反，该盐湖城母亲，打断孩子的步骤，有很多次似乎想控制孩子的安排，甚至在母亲和孩子的动作之间缺乏协调。该玛雅母亲与儿子之间的交流是微妙的，相反该盐湖城母亲和孩子之间发生喊叫、频繁谈话和大幅度动作。该玛雅母亲能够一边参与成年人谈话一边支持孩子的活动，而该盐湖城母亲专注于孩子，尽管周围还有其他成年人在场。
Salt Lake City mother and 20-month-old
盐湖城母亲与二十个月大的孩子
The Salt Lake City mother began playing with the nesting doll as if she were herself a child, giggling and waving her hands in an animated fashion and bouncing up and down and squealing as she knelt on the floor with the child. She poked at the baby with the nesting doll and tickled him; she took pieces of the toy and made up new games with them, hiding them or putting them inside other objects. She sometimes turned the toy over to him by saying "Your turn," thereby emphasizing the equality of status.
该盐湖城母亲在玩嵌套娃娃的时候把自己当成一名孩子，以夸张的风格开怀大笑、挥舞双手，和孩子跪在地板上的时候他也蹦蹦跳跳、惊声尖叫。他用嵌套娃娃戳幼儿、咯吱他。他拿起一块玩具，和孩子玩新游戏，把玩具藏起来或者藏到其他玩具里面。他有时候把玩具交到孩子手上，说：“该你了。”从而强调了地位的平等。
When the baby handled the toy, she sometimes changed to an instructional tone: "On. Put the lid on" and cheered "Wonderful! Yay!" and applauded his moves, frequently gushing "Oh, you're so smaaart! You're so smaaart! I love you!" with a hug. The baby generally worked calmly with the object but sometimes giggled with his mother.
在孩子玩玩具的时候，他有时会改变教导语气：“盖上。把它盖上。”还为之喝彩：“了不起！耶！”赞扬孩子的行为，滔滔不绝：“喔，你真是太——聪明了！你真是太——聪明了！我爱死你了！”再来个拥抱。幼儿通常都很冷静的工作，有时也冲他母亲笑一笑。
Toddlers' guided participation 243
幼儿的引导参与，第二四三页
The father sat nearby and watched placidly as if the mother's actions were not out of the ordinary. Much later in the visit, the interviewer brought out a new version of the nesting doll, which the mother helped the baby take apart and put together, cheering "Yay! There you go, Buddy!" and jumping him up and down on. her lap. When the littlest doll appeared, she gasped in exaggerated surprise and enthusiastically exclaimed, "There's three of them!" She proceeded to count them, with the child following her cues to count, but the counting efforts of the mother and child were uncoordinated, with the mother both instigating and echoing with a confusion of sequence that got more complicated during the next round of counting. When the mother said "two," the baby said "one," and when she finished with "three,"the baby said "two." The mother then started counting again, saying "one" before the baby said "three."
坐在一旁的父亲很平静地看着，就像母亲的行为没有什么不寻常。在这次访问的稍后时间，访问者给出了一套新的嵌套娃娃，母亲帮助婴儿拆开并组装，欢呼：“耶！真有你的，伙计！”抱着孩子在自己腿上跳上跳下。当最小的娃娃显露出来，母亲夸张的倒抽一口冷气，狂热地喊道：“居然有三个人！”他开始数数，孩子也跟着他一起数，但是母亲和孩子的数数并不协调，在母亲的发起和孩子的响应之间，顺序混乱，在进入第二轮计数时更加复杂。当母亲说： “二”的时候，孩子说： “一” ，当她完成了“三”，孩子说： “二”。该母亲然后再次开始计数，在孩子说 “三”之前说“一”。
Then the mother changed the routine, holding the bottom pieces out on her flat palm and encouraging him to put the nesting doll together, "Does the lady go in there?" She encouraged in a sweet babytalk intonation, "That's right! . . . Put her in. In," emphasizing the term. She used a sweet voice throughout, and when he did it differently than she suggested, she emphasized his independent choice, "OK, do you want to put her that way?. . . That's fine . . . Do you choose that way?" The mother went on with the lesson in putting the pieces together, directing the baby's actions with language instruction, cheering and providing commentary on his actions, and enthusiastically marking and praising his "individual" accomplishment.
然后该母亲改变流程，用手掌心托着最底下一块，鼓励孩子将嵌套娃娃组合起来，“这位阿姨要去哪儿？”他用甜甜的儿语腔调鼓励：“对了！……放进去，进去。”并强调词汇。他始终使用甜美的声音，当孩子做的和他建议的不同时，他强调孩子自己的选择：“好的，你想把它放在这里么？……很好……你决定这样做？”母亲继续这一课程，把娃娃放在一起，用语言引导孩子的动作，欢呼，对其动作做出评价，热情的打分，称赞孩子的“独立”成就。
Mayan mother and 20-month-old
玛雅母亲与二十个月大的孩子
The playmate and teacher roles taken by the Salt Lake City mother differed from the role taken and means used by the Mayan mother, although the Mayan mother appeared to be focused on encouraging her son's performance and is a member of a family that stresses schooling; she herself has a high level of education by community standards (ninth grade, the highest in the Mayan sample).
盐湖城母亲扮演的玩伴和教师角色，不同于玛雅母亲扮演的角色和起到的作用，虽然玛雅母亲似乎着重鼓励他儿子的表现，家里也强调学校教育。按照社会标准他本人得到了高等教育（九年级，玛雅样本中学历最高的）。
The mother demonstrated how the nesting doll comes apart and fits together, with a few words to encourage him to look. The baby insisted on handling the toy himself; after a moment the mother took the doll back and demonstrated again, leaning over with the two halves of the big doll, saying quietly, " I'll put it together." The baby held the small inside doll and complained to get access to the big outside doll. The mother looked into the baby's eyes and pointed out "Two . . . two ..." and handed the big doll back to the baby, repeating "two"with a significant gaze. Then she demonstrated opening and closing the small inside doll, commenting only "Look" as the baby watched her pull the big outside doll apart, saying "Put it inside."
母亲示范如何分解、组装嵌套娃娃，在鼓励孩子观看的时候没怎么说话。孩子坚持自己处理玩具，过了一阵子母亲拿回娃娃再次示范，他俯身上前，拿着最大娃娃的两块半边，安静的说：“我要把他们合在一起。”婴儿拿着小娃娃，抱怨，想拿到最大娃娃。母亲盯着婴儿的眼睛，指出：“二……二……”把大娃娃交回婴儿手上，带着意味深长的眼神重复“二”。然后他演示打开关拢小娃娃，只是要求“看”，婴儿看着他一边打开大娃娃一边说：“放进去”。
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She set down the two big halves carefully in front of the baby, and set the little doll inside to demonstrate the sequence to the baby, pausing a couple of times to look at the baby to be sure he was watching. He was.
他小心地把这两半放在婴儿面前，然后把小娃娃放进去，向婴儿示范安放顺序，其间暂停了几次看着婴儿，保证他正在观看。他的确在看。
The baby went on to handle the pieces himself for a while, as his mother conversed with adults at the same time as she occasionally demonstrated the actions to the baby, using gestures and timing to emphasize the essential aspects of the action to the baby while talking and looking at the adult with whom she spoke. She thus directed the baby in an unobtrusive fashion, and when he resisted her suggestions she did not insist.
婴儿继续自己处理玩具，过了一阵子，因为他母亲一边与成年人交谈，一边偶尔向他示范动作，在他和成年人谈话的时候，利用姿势和语速向婴儿强调这项动作的重要方面。他就这样用一种不显眼的方式引导婴儿，遇到婴儿反对他的建议，他也没有坚持。
When he had trouble, the mother instantly intervened and demonstrated, commenting, "Do this one first . . . and then cover it up with this one." The baby was attentive and attempted to work the nesting doll again, as the mother monitored his efforts and held her hands ready to help him, not interfering unless he had difficulty. This process continued until the doll was assembled, and the mother then subtly demonstrated again by carefully holding the pieces in position and making a few quiet comments. The baby watched patiently and acknowledged the demonstration with an "Okay" as if to say, "I see."
婴儿一遇到麻烦，母亲就立即介入、示范、解说，“这个首先要……然后用这个盖上。”婴儿重新转回嵌套娃娃，开始工作，由于母亲在监视他的工作，时刻准备帮助他，不干涉他，除非他遇到困难。这一过程一直持续到组装完成，然后母亲再次小心拿着玩具，细细示范，同时解说几句。婴儿耐心地看着，说句“好”来肯定这次示范，就像在说，“我明白了”。
Now he could put the pieces in the right positions, and the mother merely monitored his actions as she chatted with the adults. The baby monitored the adult conversation as he worked the toy. Once the baby kissed the doll, and the mother and others encouraged him to do it again, responding with pleasure to his idea. He cheerfully continued. Then he turned and counted quietly as he put two pieces in her lap, "One . . . two ..." The mother repeated "two" after him, and the baby put the third piece in her outstretched hand, "three," and the mother echoed, "three." There did not seem to be further acknowledgement of the baby's counting, though he had said little else during the session.
现在，孩子将玩具放入正确的位置，母亲仅仅是在于成年人聊天的时候监视他的动作。婴儿在玩玩具的时候也在监视成人的交谈。一次婴儿亲了一下娃娃，母亲和其他人鼓励他再做一次，开心的回应他的想法。他愉快的继续做下去。他转过来，把两半玩具放在腿上，悄悄的数数，“一……二……”母亲在她之后重复“二”，婴儿把第三半玩具放入母亲伸过来的手上，“三”。母亲跟着说：“三”。婴儿计数似乎没有得到进一步的回应，尽管他在这个过程中也没说什么。
It is notable that the Mayan baby's counting, like his kissing of the doll, was at his instigation; it received a pleasant acknowledgment but did not become a public evaluation of his intelligence or a reason for expressions of love. The baby's actions, rather than being the exclusive, individual focus of the mother, fit into the flow of ongoing social events, with both the mother and child monitoring each other and the other social activities as they handled the object. Though the child received attention, it was not exclusive; rather, the child appeared to be smoothly integrated into the social fabric, not a recipient of baby-directed play or special registers of speech.
值得注意的是，玛雅婴儿的计数活动，就像他亲吻娃娃一样，是受到鼓励的。得到的认可虽然愉快，但并没有成为对他智力的通行评价，也没有成为表达爱意的理由。婴儿的动作，并不藏着，专门吸引母亲的注意，融入正在发生的社会活动中，母亲和婴儿在处理玩具的时候，同时彼此监视对方和其他社会活动。虽然儿童受到关注，也并不是私下的，相反，这名儿童似乎很顺利地融入社会结构，而不是以婴儿为导向的游戏的被动接受者，或者特殊讲话的记录者。
These two examples illustrate how middle-class US parents may assume didactic and dyadic roles as they rely on their own efforts to motivate children to learn, in contrast with caregivers in cultures in which children have the responsibility to learn and are involved with many other social partners in the process.
这两个例子说明了美国中产阶级家长是如何承担教导和合作角色，因为他们通过自己的努力激励儿童学习。相反，在儿童承担学习责任的文化中，照顾者和其他许多社会伙伴都参与到学习过程。
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Conclusions
结论
Children in a wide variety of cultural communities, including middle-class US communities, appear to have in common opportunities to learn through guided participation in culturally arranged activities, learning and developing in situations of joint involvement with more experienced people.
各种文化社会——包括美国中产阶级社会——中的儿童，似乎都通过引导参与文化活动安排，存在相同的学习机会，在与更有经验的人共同参与情况下得到学习发展。
Variations across communities have to do with what is being learned, with differing values and practices regarding such skills as literacy and other school-related technologies or management of people as in child care. Goals of development have local variation(along with species' similarities, of course) according to local practices and values.
各社会之间的不同，都和所学目标、不同价值观、识字等技能相关习俗，以及其他学校相关技术、对儿童照顾者的管理有关。发展目标因当地习俗、价值观而异（当然，也有相同的形式）。
Related variation across communities involves contrasting means of teaching/learning, differing with children's opportunities to observe and participate in adult activities or in child-oriented instructional interactions. Differences in children's versus adults' responsibility for children's learning appear to be accompanied by variations in the interactional roles of children and adults and in reliance on explanation out of context or observation and participation in the context of important adult activities. Such differences may lead to variation in children's skill in managing their own attention and observation, and in managing verbal interactions with adults as conversational peers. These skills and interactional practices are differentially useful for participation in varying institutional contexts such as formal schooling and economic activities.
各社会之间相关变化，包括教/学方法、儿童观察参与成人活动的机会之间的差别，以儿童为导向的教学互动之间的差别。儿童和成人在对儿童学习上责任的差别，伴随着儿童和成年人不同的互动角色，以及如何参与环境——依赖于对环境的解说，还是观察、参与到重要成人活动环境中——的差异。这些差别可能导致儿童管理自身注意力和目光的差异，以及管理与成年人进行平等交谈的语言互动的差异。这些技能和互动实践，在不同的体制背景下——比如正规学校教育和经济活动，有着不同的作用。
Underlying these varying circumstances, however, are similarities in guided participation: caregivers collaborate with children in determining the nature of children's activities and their responsibilities in participation. They work together, and in the process children learn to manage new situations under collaborative structuring of problem-solving attempts and regulation of their responsibilities. This guided participation includes tacit forms of communication and distal arrangements of children's learning environments, as well as explicit verbal interaction. The mutual roles played by caregivers and children in children's development rely on both the caregivers' interest in fostering mature skills and the children's own eagerness to participate in adult activities and push their own development. Guided participation involves children's participation in the activities of their community, with the challenge and support of a system of social partners including caregivers and peers of varying levels of skill and status.
但是，在这些各不相同的环境之下，有着相同的引导参与：照顾者与儿童协作，决定儿童活动的性质，以及他们在活动中的责任。他们一起工作。在这一过程中，儿童学习新形势下的合作，尝试有计划的解决问题，调整自己的责任。这样的引导参与，包括沉默的交流形式以及对儿童学习环境的后继管理，以及明确的语言互动。照顾者和儿童双方在儿童发展中扮演的角色，依赖于照顾者对培养熟练技能的兴趣，和儿童自身对参与成人活动、推动自我发展的渴望。引导参与，包括儿童参与社会活动，并面临社会伙伴体系的挑战与支持，其中包括各种水平和地位的照顾者及玩伴。
Guided participation may be universal, although communities vary in the goals of development and the nature of involvement of children and adults. Observations of variations in guided participation across cultures draw attention to:
虽然各个社会的发展目标、儿童与成人介入的性质，不尽相同，但是引导参与有可能是普遍存在的。对不同文化中引导参与的诸多观察，注意到：
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1 Goals of mature contribution to the community that organize the skills and values that children learn
1. 为社会做出成熟贡献的目标，决定了儿童学习的技能和价值观
2 Opportunities available to children for learning in the arrangements made for children's activities and companions
2. 在有利于儿童活动及同伴的环境中，为儿童学习提供机会
3 Responsibility that children take for learning from the activities in which they participate and from rich opportunities for observation and eavesdropping
3. 儿童从他们参与的活动中学习的责任，儿童从观察和偷听的丰富机会中学习的责任
4 Tacit but ubiquitous nature of children's guided participation
4. 儿童引导参与的隐含却无处不在的性质
5 Unselfconscious nature of the roles of children as well as of their social partners in day-to-day arrangements and interaction.
5. 儿童以及日常环境和互动中的社会伙伴扮演的角色的自然属性
Observations in cultures other than those of the researchers may make such aspects of guided participation more apparent. However, we suggest that these features of guided participation may also be more common for US middle-class children than the explicit, didactic, self conscious instructional interaction that has been the focus of research. The interdependence of children and their social partners in valued and routine cultural activities may be a fact of children's lives that accounts for children's rapid development as participants in the skills and understanding of their community, whether it involves learning to weave or to read, to take care of livestock or young children or homework.
在这些研究者之外，对文化的观察，对引导参与的研究可能更充分。然而，我们认为，引导参与的这些特征可能在美国中产阶级儿童中更为常见，多于明确的、教导的、自觉的教学互动，而这种教学互动一直是研究重点。儿童及其社会伙伴在必不可少的日常文化活动中的相互依赖，有可能是儿童的真实生活，能够为儿童因为参与熟悉理解社会而快速发展承担责任，无论涉及的是学习编制还是阅读，照顾家畜、幼儿、做家务。
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