翻译《ED840_1_Reading_003》

Chapter 9

第九章

Aspects of teaching and learning*

教与学的方方面面【注】

David Wood

戴维伍德

Introduction: images of the learner and reflections on the teacher

前言：学习者的想象与教育者的反思

Teaching is a complex, difficult and often subtle activity. Although I will be arguing that a great deal of teaching is spontaneous, 'natural' and effective, deliberate teaching of groups of children in formally contrived contexts is an intellectually demanding occupation. It is also a relatively new one. Compulsory formal education for all has a short history, and the technologies and consequences it has spawned, both material and mental, are still poorly understood and the subject of political and academic debate.

教学是一个复杂困难且常常微妙的活动。尽管我会相信，有大量的教育活动是自发的、自然的且有效的，但是在正式设计的教学环境中面对一群孩子，进行深思熟虑的教育活动，需要足够的智力。这也是比较新的一个。所有的强制性正式教育的历史都很短，技术和它在物质和精神上产生的后果，仍然了解甚少，强制性正式教育也是政治和学术争论的课题。

Some years ago, Greenfield and Bruner (1969) argued that the invention and widespread availability of schooling has had dramatic effects on the nature of human knowledge, creating not simply wider dissemination of facts but fundamental changes in the nature of thinking itself. Although ensuing studies of the impact of schooling on the human intellect have shown that the effects are somewhat less general than this hypothesis suggested (e.g. Cole and Scribner, 1974), they have shown that schooling, in company with other technologies (notably literacy), has marked effects on various intellectual 'skills'. Donaldson (1978), in a critical examination of Piagetian theory, argues that schooling does help to create certain varieties of human reasoning, particularly a capacity to deploy powers of reasoning to solve problems that involve abstract hypothetical entities. In such contexts, thinking out problems and understanding what is implied by them demands attention to the formal structure of the problem and cannot be achieved by appeals to common sense or plausible inferences. Thus, Donaldson concludes that schooling is the source of special ways of thinking about and operating upon the world.

几年前，格林菲尔德和布鲁纳（1969）认为，发明并普及可用的学校教育，已经对人类知识的性质产生了重大影响，创造不只是简单的广泛传播事实，而是从根本上改变思维本身的性质。虽然随后对学校教育对人类智慧的重要性的研究，显示效果没有假说（如 Cole 和 Scribner, 1974）声称的那样普遍。他们已经表明，学校教育，与其他技术（尤其是文化技术）一同，对于其他各种知识技能都有明显效果。唐纳森（1978）在严格审查皮亚杰理论之后，认为学校教育有助于创建几种确切的人性推论，尤其是部署推论力解决涉及抽象假定实体问题的能力。在这种情况下，彻底思考问题并弄明白问题意味着什么，必需注意问题的正式结构，是普通感觉或似是而非的推论无法实现的。因此，唐纳森的结论是，学校教育是彻底思考并操作世界的特殊方法的来源。

One implication of this view is that teachers (broadly rather than narrowly conceived) are responsible for inculcating certain ways of thinking in children. They pass on not only facts and information about things but also ways of conceptualizing and reasoning.

此观点的一个影响就是教师（广义而非狭义范畴上的）为向儿童灌输一定的思维方式承担责任。他们不仅传授事实和有关事物的信息，而且传授推论和概念化的方法。

* This chapter first appeared in Richards, M. and Light, P. (eds) Children of Social Worlds, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1986, pp. 191-212.

×本章首次出现在理查德和莱特（编撰）的《社会世界中的儿童》，剑桥：政体出版社，1986，191-212页。

158 Relationships and learning

关系与学习，第一五八页

Where they succeed, teachers recreate their own ways of thinking in their pupils; where they fail, they may inhibit or prevent a child's access to power within his or her own society.

如果他们成功了，教师可以在学生身上重建他们的思维方式；如果他们失败了，他们可能会禁止或妨碍儿童在他自己的社会中获得权力。

Our knowledge of the 'psychology of teaching' is derived from several sources. The first and most obvious is from theories and studies of learning and development. Theorists of human development, notably Bruner, Vygotsky and Piaget, offer not only radically different views of what children are like, what knowledge is and how it develops; they also sketch out radically different images of the teacher. In this chapter we will examine some of the major features of these theories in relation to the issue of what teaching is.

我们对教学心理学的认识来自少数几个来源。第一个也是最明显的是来自学习与发展的理论和研究。人类发展理论家，特别是布鲁纳、维果茨基和皮亚杰，对于儿童像什么、知识是什么、它是如何发展的，不仅提出完全不同的观点，他们还勾画出教师完全不同的形象。在这一章，我们将检查这些理论的一些与教学是什么这个问题有关的主要特征。

A second source of information about teaching stems from the now numerous attempts to describe and analyse teaching as it occurs in classrooms. Unfortunately, many such studies are largely atheoretical and even idiosyncratic, so it is seldom possible to utilize the data they provide to inform our arguments about theories of what teaching is. One possible reason for this is that teachers do not actually do what any of the theories dictate they should do, either because teachers are ignorant of theories or because theorists are ignorant of teaching. One view is that theories developed out of psychological research cannot be used to develop categories to describe what goes on in classrooms because their relevance is limited to what happens in laboratories. There has been a good deal of debate in recent years about the status and relevance of theories about children based largely on experimental psychological research. For example, Cole and his colleagues (1979) observed children in home-like contexts and reported that they seldom found evidence of the sorts of demands, tasks and interactions that cognitive psychologists use in the laboratory to explore learning and development. Thus, psychologists qua psychologists are likely to be working with very different raw material in fashioning their theories of children's thinking from that which informs the views of parents and others. Herein, perhaps, lie some reasons for different conceptualizations of the nature of children by psychologists and non- psychologists. Psychologists may be accused of having created 'straw children' and imaginary learners who haunt the psychological laboratory but not the 'real' world.

有关教学的第二个信息源，来自于现今多数人试图描述及分析发生在课堂上的教学。不幸的是，许多这类研究大多没有理论基础，甚至都是一些个案，所以很难利用他们的数据来支持我们关于教学是什么的理论。一个可能的原因是，事实上教师并不做理论要求他们做的任何事情，或者是教师对理论一无所知，亦或者因为理论工作者不了解教学。有一种观点认为，自心理学研究得出的理论不能用来发展出分门别类地描述课堂上所发生的活动，因为这些理论的实际意义仅在研究室中其作用。最近几年，关于大量建立在实验性心理研究基础上的儿童理论的地位和意义，产生了无数争论。比如，科尔及其同事（1979）将儿童至于家庭一样的环境中观察，并报告他们几乎找不到认知心理学家在实验室中用以探究学习和发展的各种需求、任务和互动的证据。因此，心理学家之所以为心理学家，很可能是因为他们使用非常不同的原始素材来形成他们关于儿童思维的理论，而这种理论又强化了家长及其他人的观点。在此，也许心理学家和非心理学家为儿童的本性的不同概念化而编造一些理由。心理学家可能被指控正在创造“稻草儿童”，并虚构出没于心理学实验室而非真实世界的学习者。

I shall be arguing, however, that the differences between children's behaviour in different contexts (e.g. laboratory versus home) are of more interest and importance than this interpretation suggests. More specifically, I will be exploring the idea that interactions between adults and children in 'spontaneous' and 'contrived' encounters are different in nature. By contrived, I mean teaching/learning/testing encounters that are deliberately brought about by those with power (e.g. teachers or psychologists), as opposed to those that 'arise' spontaneously out of adult-child contacts. I shall also work on the assumption (not totally without evidence) that most interactions at home are spontaneous and child-initiated, and those in schools or psychological laboratories are usually contrived and adult-controlled. 

然而，我会认为，儿童在不同环境中（比如实验室和家庭）行为的不同来自于更多兴趣上的差别，远比这一解释所暗示的要重要。更具体的说，我将探究这样一个观念，在成年人与儿童之间自发的和刻意安排的互动，在本质上是不同的。“刻意”，我是指权威（比如教师或心理学者）专门带来的教/学/考活动，而不是那些自然发生的成年人-儿童联系。我的工作将建立在这样的假设（但也不完全没有证据）基础上，即家里大多数互动都是自发的和儿童发起的，在学校或心理实验室里的互动通常在成年人控制下刻意安排的。

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I also suggest that when adults and children in the two different contexts appear to be working on the 'same' tasks or doing superficially similar things, the processes involved are dissimilar. The interactions follow different 'ground rules' and create different demands of both the adult and the child, and this explains why children often appear to display varying levels of intellectual or linguistic competence in different situations. We will consider, for example, why children who are inquisitive and loquacious at home may show little initiative in school.

我也表示，成年人和儿童在这两种不同的环境中，似乎在做相同的任务或者做表面上相似过程却不同的事情。成年人和儿童之间遵循不同基本规则的互动，并为成年人和儿童形成不同的需求，这解释了为什么儿童似乎常常在不同情况下，显示出各种水平的智力和语言能力。比如，我们会考虑，为什么儿童在家里好奇而多嘴，而在学校则很少显示出积极主动。

What are 'ground rules'? Mercer and Edwards(1981) have provided some examples in a consideration of classroom interactions, drawing attention to differences between the constraints that operate in classroom and everyday discourse. For example, being able to answer questions such as 'It takes three men six hours to dig a certain sized hole. How long would it take two men to dig the same hole?' demands more than a knowledge of how to apply and execute the sums involved. One must also appreciate what constitutes appropriate and inappropriate answers. Problems demanding similar decisions in everyday life (e.g. working out how long a certain job will take) might legitimately concern issues such as when the ground was last dug over; what tools are to be used; how experienced the men are and so forth. In mathematics lessons, however, such considerations are 'irrelevant'. To know what is relevant, a child has to discover or infer the rules underlying what is a very special form of discourse. Arguments, for example, about making mathematics 'relevant' are likely to founder if they simply choose 'everyday' situations and ignore the fact that the ground rules for solving everyday practical numerical problems and abstract formal mathematical problems are different.

什么是“基本规则”？美世和爱德华兹（1981）提供了一些研究课堂互动的示例，注意课堂和日常谈话中的约束条件。比如，可以回答诸如“三个人六小时挖一个大坑，两个人挖同样大小的坑要几小时？”之类的问题，如何应用和执行涉及到的总和的需求大过知识。我们还必须认识到什么答案是适当的或不适当的。在日常生活中需要相似决定的问题（比如一项工作需要多长时间）可能是正当关切的问题，诸如最后什么时候挖地面；用什么工具；这人是如何体验的，等等。然而，在数学课中，这些考虑都是“无关的”。要知道什么是有关的，一个孩子发现或推理出一场具体形式的讲课背后的规则。比如，有关决定数学关系的证据很可能是创始人仅仅选择日常情况，而忽略了这样一个事实，即解决日常实际数学问题的基本规则和抽象正规数学问题的基本规则不同。

If one accepts that activities occurring across contexts may be governed by different implicit social practices and rules, then what may seem like the 'same' task in different contexts may, to children who have yet to acquire all the rules, appear very different. Several researchers (e.g. Donaldson, 1978) have shown that young children often appear able to do things in some contexts but not others. They possess competence that does not always emerge in their performances. One may seek to understand such discrepancies in the fact that some contexts are more threatening, unfamiliar or less motivating to children; but it is also likely that the apparent similarities between the competences demanded in such situations are misleading. Thus, identifying the reasons why observations of teaching and learning in home, school and laboratory often yield different views of the processes involved is no simple matter. What might seem to be essentially similar tasks and activities in various contexts may well be located in quite different 'rules' of conduct and interpretation.

如果有人相信发生在实际环境中的活动，受到不同的社会隐形策略和规则的支配，那么看起来就像是发生在不同的环境中“同一”任务，儿童还没有掌握所有规则，在表现上显示出很大不同。少数研究者（比如，唐纳森，1978）发现幼儿常常能够在同一状况下完成一些事情，但不能在其他情况下完成同一事情。他们并不总是在行为中表现出所拥有的能力。有人可能会设法了解某些对更危险、更陌生或更没有刺激的情况在实际上的差距；但也可能在这些情况下需要的能力在表面上的相似性具有迷惑性。因此，查明观察到的在家里、学校和实验室里教学过程常常产生不同观点的原因，所涉及到的过程不是一个简单事情。似乎基本相似的任务和活动处在不同的场合下，会受到完全不同的行为规则和解释的影响。

Another line of evidence relating to the question of what effective teaching is would seem, on first sight, to offer the most direct and compelling way of adjudicating between competing theories. 

另一条与“有效教学应该是什么样的”这个问题有关联的证据，第一眼看去，在这些竞争理论之间，提供了最直接最令人信服的评判方式。

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A number of educational programmes have been set up, particularly in the USA, to help provide young children from economically poor homes with a 'Headstart' in their educational life by providing preschool educational experiences (see Woodhead 1985 for an overview). There have been some successful intervention programmes, but these were inspired by a range of different theories of learning and development. No one theory held the day. Weikart (1973), commenting upon the success of his own, neo-Piagetian, programme and those of others who had based their interventions on other theories, concludes that the important common element in success was not the curriculum per se nor the material it employed but the commitment and competence of its teachers! The nature of such competence remains obscure.

特别是在美国，建立起许多教育方案，通过向来自贫困家庭的幼儿提供学前教育体验，在其教育生涯中提供“提前教育”（见伍德海德 1985年综述）。这里有一些成功的干预方案，但都受到诸多不同学习和发展理论的影响。没有那种理论可以独行。维卡德（1973）对其自己的新皮亚杰方案，和其他人的基于各自干预理论的方案发表评论，得出结论认为，取得成功的重要公共因素，不是课程本身，也不是课程使用的素材，而是教师的承诺和能力！这些能力的性质仍然不清楚。

We will examine just a few aspects of what teaching competence might involve. I do not claim, however, to be more than scratching the surface of what is undoubtedly an extremely complex issue.

我们将研究教学能力可能涉及的少数几个方面。然而我并不主张，深入研究一个无疑是极其复杂的问题。

Learning and development

学习与发展

I will in this part of the chapter be discussing in some detail a series of studies of the teaching-learning process that have employed a common task. The children being taught range from three to five years of age. Left to their own devices, the children would not be able to do the task at hand. Nor do they learn how to do the task if they are taught ineffectively. Given effective instruction, however, they can be taught how to do most or all of it alone (Wood and Middleton, 1975).

我将在本章节的这一部分讨论一系列使用了相同任务的教—学过程研究的某些细节。参加学习的儿童年纪从三岁到五岁之间。如果任其自然，他们无法完成手头任务。如果不教他们，他们也学不会如何做这些任务。然而，给予有效的教学之后，他们能偶学会如何基本上或完全独自完成（Wood and Middleton, 1975）。

Although the task we shall be considering is a specific and concrete one, I shall argue that some aspects of the teaching-learning process it identifies are general ones that are relevant to and implicated in many naturalistic encounters between adults and children. I shall also try, however, to identify some important differences between the nature of interactions observed in such contrived teaching-learning encounters and those found in more spontaneous encounters between adults and children in homes and schools.

虽然我们即将考虑的任务是特殊而具体的，但是我认为它所标明的教—学过程的某些方面，是许多成年人和儿童之间自然遭遇的普遍现象。然而，我也会尝试去明确无论是在在家庭或学校里，刻意安排的教—学活动中所观察到的互动的性质，与成年人和儿童之间更为自然产生的活动中所发现的互动的性质，之间的一些重要区别。

The conceptual framework adopted in this chapter is derived from the theorizing of Vygotsky (1978) and Bruner (1968). Vygotsky, for example, contributed the concept of a 'zone of proximal development'. This expression refers to the gap that exists for a given child at a particular time between his level of performance on a given task or activity and his potential level of ability following instruction. Vygotsky offers a conceptualization of intelligence that is radically different from that promoted by either conventional psychometric intelligence tests or Piagetian theory. Vygotsky's theory of intelligence takes the capacity to learn through instruction as central. The intelligence of a species is determined by a capacity not only to learn but also to teach. Furthermore, two children who behave similarly in a given task situation, suggesting similar levels of competence, may in fact be quite different, in that one may prove able to benefit far more from instruction in that task than another.

本章采用的概念框架派生自维果茨基（1978）和布鲁纳（1968）的理论。比如，维果茨基创造了“最近发展区”的概念。这种说法指的是某个儿童在具体时间里，执行指定任务或活动的能力，与其接受教导后所能达到的潜在能力水平之间的既有差距。维果茨基提出了一个完全不同于普通心理智力测试或皮亚杰理论所提出的智力概念。维果茨基的智力理论具有以教导为中心的学习能力。这一类智力不仅由学的能力决定，也包括教的能力。此外，在指定任务环境中表现类似的两个孩子，意味着有着相似水平的能力，而在被证实能够从教导中获得巨大利益的任务环境而非其他环境中，可能有着非常大的差别。

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Underlying this view of the role of instruction in learning are radically different conceptions of the nature of knowledge, development and maturity from those embodied in Piagetian theory. Piaget's child is an epistemologist - a natural seeker after, and architect of, his own understanding. He learns largely through his own activity in the world. He constructs progressively more powerful, abstract and integrated systems of knowing by discovering how his actions affect reality. All a teacher can do is to facilitate that understanding by providing appropriate materials and contexts for the child's actions and by helping the child to discover inconsistencies in his own views. The primary motivator of developmental change for Piaget is 'disequilibration'- a state of conflict between what the child expects as a result of his interactions with the world and what actually transpires. Knowing the stages of development and materials and activities that are likely to be relevant to the activities dictated by each stage, a teacher can facilitate developmental change by helping the child to discover implicit contradictions in his own thinking. Any contradictions must, however, be latent in the child's structure of knowledge. They can be activated but not induced. There is no point and may even be harm in confronting the child with hypotheses, demonstrations or explanations that are not 'natural' to his stage of development.

在教导在学习中的角色这种观点之下，是关于存在于皮亚杰理论中的知识、发展与成熟等概念的的本质的完全不同的概念。皮亚杰的孩子是一位知识学家——基于并建立于他自己理解之上的本质探寻者。他大部分学习都是通过自己在这个世界上的活动完成的。他通过领悟他的行为如何影响现实，逐步构建更强大、更抽象、更完整的知识体系。一名教师所能做的就是通过为儿童的活动提供适当的素材和环境促进理解，并帮助儿童发现他自身观念中的不协调。对皮亚杰而言，发展变化最主要的动力来自于“不平衡”——儿童对其与世界的互动的结果的期望与实际发生之间的一种冲突状态。知道发展和素材和活动这个阶段，很可能与每个阶段支配的活动有关，一名教师能够通过帮助儿童发现自身思维的隐藏矛盾来促进发展。然而，任何矛盾，一定隐藏在儿童的知识结构当中。它们可以被激活而不能被感知。儿童在其发展阶段遭遇不自然的假说、示范或解释，都是无意义甚至有害的。

Whilst there is evidence favouring the view that one basis for developmental change or learning is cognitive conflict and contradiction (e.g. Glachan and Light, 1982), I will be arguing that far more is involved in effective teaching than simply providing material for the child to 'digest' or activating competing ideas that are already implicit in his thinking. We will explore the view that adult and child, working together, can construct new schemes through shared interaction. The potential effects of teaching will prove to be far greater than Piagetian theory allows. What the child develops, in this alternative conceptualization, are not mental operations derived from his actions on the world but 'concepts' that are jointly constructed through interaction with those who already embody them, together with ways of doing and thinking that are cultural practices, recreated with children through processes of formal and informal teaching.

虽然有证据倾向于发展变化或学习的基础之一是认知冲突和矛盾这种观点（比如，Glachan and Light, 1982），但我会认为，儿童消化或积极竞争的观念已经隐含在其思维当中，更多涉及到为儿童提供有效教学而非简单提供素材。我们将探讨成年人和儿童一起工作，通过共同互动可以建立起新的计划，这种观点。将会证明，教学的潜在效果远大于皮亚杰理论所允许的范围。在这一替代概念中，儿童发展的不是派生自他现实活动的心理活动，而是通过与已经和他们一起的其他人，加上文化习俗下的相同的工作方法和思维方式，通过互动共同构建的，由儿童通过正规的和非正式的教学过程重建的“概念”。

The nature of effective instruction: contingent control of learning

有效教导的本质：学习的团队控制

We are confronted with two individuals who are in asymmetrical states of knowledge about a problem facing them. The more knowledgeable, the teacher, is attempting to communicate a more informed understanding to the less knowledgeable, the learner. How are practical skills and ideas transferred from one body to the other?

我们所面对的两个个体处在面临问题时的知识不对称状态。知识更多的一位，教师，正试图通过交流让知识较少的学习者了解更多信息。实践技能合理年是如何从一个个体传递到另一个个体的？

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Our task here is to discover an analysis of teaching and learning interactions that will enable us to relate instructional activity to the learning process. If we are successful in identifying the crucial features of effective teaching, then it should be possible to examine a range of different teaching styles or strategies and make testable predictions about their relative effectiveness.

我们在此的任务是发现一种教与学的分析方法，它可以让我们弄清楚教学活动与学习过程的关系。如果我们成功的确定有效教学的关键特征，那么应该要审查各种不同的教学风格或策略，并对与之相关的效用作出可检验的预测。

Some years ago we attempted to meet these goals in an analysis of mother- child interactions in an experimental situation (Wood and Middleton, 1975). The children involved were four years old and the task the mothers were asked to teach them was a specially designed construction toy. When a child first encountered the task, he or she saw 21 wooden blocks of varying size and shape. The mother had already been shown how these could be assembled to create a pyramid, but the child had no knowledge of the solution to the problem. The mother was asked to teach the child how to put the blocks together in any way she saw fit. She was also told that when the pyramid had been put together, it would be taken apart and the child asked to assemble it alone.

几年前，我们在分析实验环境（Wood 与 Middleton, 1975）中的母亲—儿童互动的时候，试图达成目标。所涉及的儿童为四岁，在任务中要求母亲教会他们使用一种专门设计的建筑玩具。一个儿童刚接触到这个任务，他会看到二十一块各种尺寸和形状的木块。母亲已经知道如何用这些组装一个金字塔，但是儿童没有达成这个任务的任何知识。要求母亲教孩子如何将木块以他认为合适的任何方式放在一起。同时还告诉母亲当完成金字塔的时候，会被拆解开，然后要求儿童独自组装。

Each block in the toy is unique and will fit into only one position in the final construction, but the task was designed to incorporate a number of repeated rules of assembly. The pyramid (more accurately, a ziggurat) comprises five square levels, each a different size. The bottom level is approximately nine inches square and is constructed out of four, equally sized, square pieces. Two of these assemble by fitting a peg in one into an equally sized hole in the second. When this pair is assembled in the correct orientation, two half-pegs, one on each block, are brought together. Similarly, two other blocks assemble by a hole and peg arrangement but to bring two half-holes together. When the two pairs are constructed, the peg and hole formed can be fitted together to produce a level of the pyramid. This rule of assembly is repeated with sets of blocks of diminishing size to construct four more levels. The assembly of each set of four also creates connectives to enable them to be piled on top of each other. On the 'top' of each block is a quarter section of a round peg. When each level is assembled correctly, these come together to form a peg which fits into a circular depression in the base of the level above, which is similarly created from four quarter depressions in each block. Thus, the levels can be piled to form a rigid structure. The assembly is completed by placing a single block with a depression in its base on the top level.

每一块木块都是惟一的，在最终的建筑中只有惟一的位置，但是此任务旨在重复一系列组装规则。金字塔（准确地说，是通灵塔）包含五层方形，每层尺寸都不同。最底层是一个大约九平方英寸（7.62x7.62，五十八平方厘米）的正方形，由四个等尺寸的正方形构成。其中两个，一个的榫头插入另一块的同尺寸榫眼，组装起来。如果这两块装对位置，两个半边榫头就合在一起了。同样的，另两块也通过榫头榫眼组装起来，但是最后得到一个完整的榫眼。这两篇组装好以后，新产生的榫头榫眼能够组合起来形成通灵塔的第一层。组装规则就是使用逐渐缩小的木块组建余下四层。组装每一层的时候都会产生一个连接物，以便他们能够固定在前面一层之上。每一个木块的上部都是四分之一个圆形榫头。如果这一层组装正确，这些四分之一个榫头就会合并成一个完整的榫头，能够嵌入到上面一层底部的榫眼中，这同样又每个木块底部的四分之一个榫眼组成。因此，各层对方形成一个牢固的结构。在顶层放置一个底部有榫眼的独立木块，便结束组装。

The blocks were designed so that any peg would fit into any hole and any level could fit onto any other. Thus, the task presents many possibilities for 'incorrect' assembly. Left to their own devices, four-year-olds cannot do the task, but given effective instruction they can. What, however, does effective instruction look like? How are we to describe the maternal attempts to teach children?

这些木块专门设计成任何榫头都能插入任何榫眼，任何一层都能安装其它层。因此，在任务中就会出现诸多不正确的安装可能性。如果任其自然，这些四岁的孩子不能完成任务，但是在有效的指导下就可以。然而，什么才是有效指导？我们如何描述母亲在教导孩子时所做的努力？

Imagine we are watching a mother and child in a teaching-learning encounter with these blocks. The mother has just given an instruction. First, we determine how much control the instruction implicitly exerts over what happens next.

想像一下，我们正在观察正处在使用这些木块的教—学情况中的一位母亲和一个儿童。母亲刚给出一条指示。首先，我们要确定在接下来所发生的事情中，这条指示隐含了多少控制力度。

Aspects of teaching and learning 163

教与学的方方面面，第一六三页

Five categories are listed in Table 9.1 which, we have found in a number of studies, can accommodate any instruction a teacher might make in this situation. These vary in terms of degree of control.

在表九点一中列举了我们在一系列研究中发现的五种策略，他们可以适应一名教师在这种情况下可能给出的任何指示。他们因控制力度而不同。

The first category, general verbal prompts, includes instructions that demand activity but do not specify how the child should proceed to meet such demands. Specific verbal instructions give the child information about features of the task that need to be borne in mind as he or she makes the next move. If the teacher not only tells the child what to attend to in making his or her next move but also shows him or her what is referred to by pointing at or picking out relevant material, then the instruction is classified as Level 3. If the teacher not only identifies material but goes on to prepare it for assembly, then the child is simply left with the problem of how to complete the operation in question. Finally, if the teacher demonstrates, he or she takes full control of the next step in the construction while the child, hopefully, looks on and learns.

第一条策略，一般口头提示，包括要求动作的指示，但不指明儿童应该如何满足这类要求。具体的口头指示给了儿童有关任务特征的信息，这需要他牢牢记住以便接下来的行动。如果教师不仅仅告诉儿童下一步要关注的是什么，还向他指出相关材料或替他挑选相关材料，那么那么这种指示就属于第三级。如果老师不仅指明了材料，还继续为组装做准备，那么儿童剩下的仅仅是如何完成这项操作这个问题。最终，在儿童充满希望的观察并学习的时候，如果教师演示组装过程，那么他就完全控制了儿童在组装中接下来的步骤。

As we come down the list, then, the instructions become more controlling, with the teacher implicitly taking more, and offering the child correspondingly less, scope for initiative.

那么，正如接下来的列表，指示变得更有控制力，教师更加含蓄，为儿童提供更少的创造性机会。

Mothers vary enormously in the way in which they attempt to teach their young children how to do this task, and children also vary widely in their ability to do the task alone after instruction. Does the style of teaching affect what is learned? It does. Mothers whose children do well after instruction are those who are most likely to act in accordance with two 'rules' of teaching. The first dictates that any failure by a child to bring off an action after a given level of help should be met by an immediate increase in help or control. Thus, if the teacher, say, had provided the child with a specific verbal instruction and then found that the child did not succeed in complying with it, the appropriate response is to give more help either by indicating the material implicated in the previous instruction or by preparing it for assembly.

在母亲教导子女如何完成这项任务的方式上，千差万别，儿童在教导之后的独立完成任务能力也是参差不齐。教学风格影响了学习内容？是的。儿童在指导后完成得好的，其母亲都是尽可能按照两条教学规则开展教学的。第一条原则，儿童在得到给定水平的帮助后，完成一项动作时产生了失败，应该得到立即增加帮助或控制。因此，如果说，教师为儿童提供一条具体的口头指示，然后发现儿童并没有成功照做，正确的反应是给予更多帮助或者指出前一指示中需要的材料，或者为之组装准备好。

The second rule concerns what should happen when a child succeeds in complying with an instruction. This dictates that any subsequent instruction should offer less help than that which pre-dated success. In other words, after success the teacher should give the child more space for success (and error).

第二条规则关心的是，当儿童成功执行一条指示后所发生的。在前一成功之后，任何后继指示都应该减少提供帮助。换言之，成功之后教师应该给予儿童更多的成功（和错误）空间。

Table 9.1 Levels of control

Level	Example
General verbal prompts Specific verbal instructions Indicates materials Prepares for assembly Demonstrates	'Now you make something' 'Get four big blocks' Points to block(s) needed Orients pairs so hole faces peg Assembles two pairs

.

表九点一，控制的程度

程度	举例
一般口头提示 具体口头提示 指明材料 为组装做准备 演示	“现在你要做什么” “拿四个大木块” 指出需要的木块 成对摆放，让榫眼对着榫头 组装两对

164 Relationships and learning

关系与学习，第一六四页

The pattern of responses by the teacher to a child's momentary successes and failures judged in re/action to the instructions that pre-dated them is the basis for our evaluation. Every time a teacher acts in accordance with the rules, she is deemed to have made a contingent response. Every time she does something different (e.g. fails to provide an instruction immediately after a child fails or gives one at an inappropriate level), the instruction is non-contingent. What we find is that the more frequently contingent a teacher is, the more the child can do alone after instruction.

教师面对儿童瞬间成功与失败的响应模式，取决于对提前给予他们的指示的反应/动作进行判断，是我们评估的基础。每次教师按照规则行事，都被认为进行了一次团队响应。每次他做了不同的事情（比如，在儿童失败之后未能及时提供指示，或者给了一个不恰当程度的指示），指示都不是偶然的。我们发现，在教师进行越来越频繁的团队提示之后，越来越多的儿童能够在指示后独立完成。

Stated simply and boldly, the rules of contingent teaching sound easy. However, even in our experimental situation involving a practical task with a single solution, it is difficult to teach all children contingently all the time. Indeed, when we trained an experimenter to teach children according to different rules, we found that she was able to follow the contingency rules only about 85 per cent of the time (Wood, Wood and Middleton, 1978). Monitoring children's activity, remembering what one had said or done to prompt that activity, and responding quickly to their efforts at an appropriate level is a demanding intellectual feat. Effective teaching is as difficult as the learning it seeks to promote.

简单而大胆的说，团队教学规则说起来很容易。然而，即使在我们设计简单问题的具体任务的实验情况下，也很难始终教所有儿童。事实上，当我们训练一名实验者基于不同规则教儿童，我们发现他能够在百分之八十五的时间内遵守团队规则（Wood, Wood and Middleton, 1978）。监视儿童的活动，记住为了马上开展活动，什么人说了什么或做了什么，并在恰当的水平上快速响应他们的努力，这是一项很难的智力技艺。有效教学与学习一样困难，因为他在寻求进步。

Scaffolding the learning process

为学习过程架设脚手架

We have defined the process of effective instruction as the contingent control of learning. Elsewhere, using the metaphor of 'scaffolding', we have identified some of the functions that instruction may fulfil for the learner (Wood, Bruner and Ross, 1976). Since this notion has been extended beyond laboratory studies to help describe more naturalistic teaching-learning processes, it is necessary to explore the characteristics of scaffolding and its relationship to control and contingency before moving on to consider more general aspects of teaching and learning.

我们已经将有效教学的过程定义为对学习的团队控制。在其他地方，我们使用脚手架这个隐喻，我们已经明确了可能满足学习者的教学的一些功能（Wood, Bruner and Ross, 1976）。由于这一概念已经走出实验室研究，用来描述更自然的教—学过程，因此在进一步考虑教与学更多一般方面之前，有必要探究脚手架的特性及其与控制和应急性之间的关系。

One of the most influential approaches to the study of human intelligence stems from a view of a human being as a 'limited information processor'. Individuals can take in only so much information about their situation at any moment in time, so they must organize their activities over time (develop a plan) in order to assimilate and operate within that situation. The development of knowledge and skill involves the discovery of what is best paid attention to, borne in mind and acted upon in an appropriate (goal-achieving) sequence.

对人类智慧研究最具影响力的方法来源于人类是一个“有限信息处理机”的观点。在任何时刻个体都只能接受很少一点有关当前状况的信息，因此他们必须组织他们一段时间内的活动（制定计划），以便解决处理当前状况。知识和技能的发展，涉及到找出最应该关注的是什么，牢记并遵守一个恰当的（实现目标的）序列。

At the heart of this conception of human abilities is the notion of 'uncertainty'. When we find ourselves needing to act in a very unfamiliar situation, uncertainty is high and our capacity to attend to and remember objects, features and events within the situation is limited. Observation, practice, trial and error, the growing appreciation of regularities and learning, involve the progressive reduction of that uncertainty. Accompanying its reduction are increased accuracy of perception and powers of memory. Thus, experts in a task are able to observe, take in and remember more of what they experience (within the task situation) than novices.

这一人类能力概念的核心是“不确定”这一观念。当我们发现我们自身需要处理一个非常陌生的状况时，不确定性变高，我们关注并记住这一状况的物体、特征和事件的能力受限。随着观察、实践、尝试与错误的不断进行，规律和学习也不断增加，同时不确定性不断减少。伴随着不确定性的减少的是认知和记忆能力确定性的增加。因此，相比于新手，在一项任务中专家能够观察、理解并记住更多（与任务情况相关的）体验。

Aspects of teaching and learning 165

教与学的方方面面，第一六五页

Children, being novices of life in general, are potentially confronted with more uncertainty than the more mature, and, hence, their abilities to select, remember and plan are limited in proportion. Without help in organizing their attention and activity, children may be overwhelmed by uncertainty. The more knowledgeable can assist them in organizing their activities, by reducing uncertainty, breaking down a complex task into more manageable steps or stages. As children learn, their uncertainty is reduced and they are able to pay attention to and learn about more of the task at hand.

儿童，一般而言都是生活的新手，有可能遭遇到更多不确定性而非熟练，因此，他们选择、记忆和计划的能力也相应受到限制。在阻止其注意力和活动的时候没有得到帮助的情况下，儿童有可能被不确定性击倒。更有智慧的人可以帮助他们组织起活动，以减少不确定性，将复杂的任务分解为更容易管理的步骤和阶段。在儿童学习的时候，他们的不确定性在减少，他们能够注意到手头的任务并从中学到很多。

Such assisted learning, however, presupposes that the children are actively involved in trying to achieve task-relevant goals. Clearly, what individuals attend to and remember in a given context is dictated by their purposes and goals; relevance is relative to the purpose in mind. Children may perceive a situation differently from an adult because they face greater uncertainty because they may be entertaining different ideas about the opportunities for activity offered by the task situation.

然而，这类辅助学习，预先假定儿童积极参与，努力实现任务有关目标。显然，个体在特定环境中关注、记住的东西，由其目的目标所决定；是否相关，于心中目的有关。儿童对状况的认知可能不同于成年人，因为他们面对更大的不确定性，因为对于任务状况所提供的活动机会，他们可能会考虑不同的主意。

Where a child is already involved in the pursuit of a goal or the fulfilment of an intention, then provided that the would-be teacher is able to discover or infer what that goal is, the child may be helped to bring it off. In formal or contrived situations, where the teacher decides what purpose the child must pursue, task induction becomes a primary scaffolding function and a sine qua non for effective learning. Children also face additional problems in contrived encounters because, given that they are compliant, they have to discover what their intentions are supposed to be.

如果儿童已经开始追求目标或完成意图，那么准备一名教师，他能够发现或推断出目标是什么，这名儿童就能够在完成目标过程中得到帮助。在正式或人为情况中，教师决定儿童追求何种目标，任务介绍变成一项主要的脚手架功能和有效学习的必要条件。在人为情况下，儿童也面对额外问题，因为他们必须顺从，他们必须找出为他们假定的意图是什么。

How does one invoke intentions or a sense of goal directedness in the young child? More specifically, can demonstrations or verbal instructions be used effectively to invoke relevant activity? Clearly, showing children things or asking them to perform activities that they are currently unable to do will be successful only if the child understands enough of what was said or shown to lead to relevant, if not fully successful, task activity. Instruction must, to use Vygotsky's term, operate within the learner's 'zone of proximal development'. For such a concept to be useful, perception must, in some way, help to lead or constrain action and understanding.

如何让一个幼儿产生意愿或目标导向感？更具体的说，演示或口头指示能否有效引起相关活动？很明显，向儿童展示事物或要求他们执行活动，如果儿童对所言所行理解不充分，那么目前他们并不能够成功实现，如果不是完全成功，任务活动。教学，用维果茨基的话说，必须发生在学习者的“最近发展区”。对于这样一个有用的概念，认知必须以某种方式，帮助领导或限制行动和理解。

I suggest that young children often think they understand and are capable of doing what an adult shows or tells them when, in fact, they do not. Young children, in short, often overestimate their own abilities. However, children's beliefs about their own competence lead to intentional activity and trap them in problem-solving: in trying to do what they think they can do. Provided that effective help is forthcoming, the child may be led to construct new skills. These, in turn, accompany modified perceptions of what is seen and heard. The learner comes closer to mature understanding. Put another way, both demonstrations and verbal instructions can be used to define problem spaces within which adult and child can work co-operatively and contingently to promote learning. Perhaps a few examples will illustrate this argument.

我认为，幼儿往往认为他们理解并能够完成成年人演示或告诉他们的事情，事实上，他们做不到。简言之，幼儿多高估自身能力。然而，儿童对自身能力的信心会导致有意活动，并投入到解决问题当中：不断尝试做他们认为他们能做的事情。提供有效帮助，可使儿童建立新的技能。依次伴随变化的认知包括观察和倾听。学习者更为接近成熟理解。换而言之，演示和口头指示都能够用于确定问题空间，成年人和儿童能够通过合作和团队促进学习的空间。也许少量示例能够说明这种论点。

166 Relationships and learning

关系与学习，第一六六页

In the experimental situation already outlined we found that three-year-old children showed signs of recognizing what was an appropriate task goal before they were able to achieve that goal. For instance, they appreciated the fact that four dissimilar blocks could be put together to create a single and more parsimonious Gestalt. They would usually attempt to reproduce such a configuration after a demonstration. When their attempted constructions did not look similar to that demonstrated, they would usually take them apart and try again. However, they almost never took apart a construction that did look like the model - evidence both that they possessed some sense of what was task-relevant and that their activities were goal-directed.

在试验情况下我们已经大致了解到，三岁儿童已经显示出迹象，在实现目标前就能够辨别出任务目标是否适当。例如，他们了解以下事实，四块不同的模块能够组合在一起，形成一个单一的更简约的整体。他们通常会在演示之后试图重现这种形态。当他们尝试建立起来的物体看上去并不像演示物，他们一般会分解然后重试。然而，他们几乎从不分解模型-样本物，包括他们沉迷于某些任务相关的感觉，以及他们的任务属于目标导向型的两种情况下。

Although purely verbal instruction proved an ineffective teaching strategy, every child so taught did begin by attempting to do what was requested. We suggest that the young child possesses sufficient linguistic competence to derive plans from verbal instructions that are partially but not fully understood. Thus, when told to 'Put the four biggest ones together', they never selected the smallest blocks and usually attempted to fit pegs into holes. Although they did not realize, early in the instructional session, all the constraints that were implicated in such general verbal instructions, they understood enough of what they implied to lead them into task-relevant activity.

虽然纯粹的口头指示已被证明是无效教学策略，但每个儿童因此都学会尝试去做要求他们做的事情。我们认为幼儿拥有从口头指示推导出计划的完整语言能力的一部分，而做不到完全理解。因此，当告诉他们“将四个最大的放在一起”的时候，他们绝不会选择最小的积木，并且通常还会尝试将榫头插入榫眼。尽管在指导环节的初期，他们没有发现一般口头指示中涉及的所有制约因素，但是他们足够理解暗示他们进入的任务相关活动是什么。

Even when children do not fully understand what we show them or ask of them, they may believe that they understand, and understand enough to lead them into task-relevant, if initially unsuccessful, action. We suggest, then, that a learner's incomplete understanding of what he or she is shown and told (what is perceived) is a vital basis for learning through instruction. Perhaps incomplete but relevant understanding of what children see adults doing and hear them saying is at the heart of what Vygotsky termed the 'zone of proximal development'.

即使当儿童不能完全理解我们向他们展示的或要求他们的是什么，他们也会相信他们已经理解了，足以让他们进入任务相关的、假设一开始不会成功的活动中。那么，我们认为，学习者对于向他展示或告知的事物（感知的是什么）的不完全理解，是通过指导进行学习的一个必要基础。也许对于看到成年人的行为，以及听到他们的言语，儿童的不完全但有关联的理解，正是维果茨基所说的“最近发展区”的核心。

Once the learner is involved in task-relevant activity, other scaffolding functions become operative. I have already said that young children, like all of us, are limited in how much they can attend to and remember in problematic situations. There is also evidence that, left to their own devices, they are unlikely to realize whether or not they have actually examined a situation 'fully' (Vurpillot, 1976). Preschool children do not search exhaustively or systematically for evidence that might be relevant to what they are trying to do; they tend to make up their minds on the basis of a limited inspection of the situation at hand (in contrived problem situations, at least).

一旦学习者参与进任务相关活动中，脚手架的其他功能就开始发挥作用。我已经说过，儿童，和其他所有人一样，受限于他们对问题状况的关注和记忆程度。还有证据表明，如果不干涉他们，他们不大可能意识到他们是否真的完全弄清楚状况（Vurpillot, 1976）。学前儿童不去搜索与他们要做的事情有关的详尽或系统的证据；他们往往在对手头状况的有限调查基础上拼凑他们的想法（至少在刻意安排的状况中如此）。

There is also evidence, again from contrived situations, that young children are unlikely to 'rehearse' what they are trying to remember. Thus, their powers of memory may be limited not only by an uncertain world but also because they have yet to learn (or to be taught) how best to remember what they seek to retain.

还有同样来自于人为状况的证据显示，幼儿不大可能反复背诵他们正在努力记住的东西。因此，他们的记忆能力可能不仅受到不确定性的限制，还因为他们不大清楚（或者将要学）如何最好的记住他们想要记住的东西。

* Given children's propensity to attend to a limited range of features of problematic situations and, perhaps, their immature strategies for deliberate memorization, a teacher will often have to scaffold their immediate actions.

×鉴于儿童倾向于注意问题状况的有限特点，也许，加上他们不成熟的刻意记忆策略，教师往往要用脚手架来辅助他们目前的行动。

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They may, for example, highlight crucial features of the task situation that have been ignored or forgotten. In so doing, they also help the child to analyse the task. They may act as an external source of memory and planning for the child, either by prompting recall of a previous activity or, more subtly, by holding constant the fruits of past activities while the child concentrates his or her limited resources on another domain. For example, children in our task situation would often put together two pieces and then try to add a third one. The blocks are so designed that it is extremely difficult to put together four pieces without first constructing the two pairs. By directing the child's attention away from the first-assembled pair or by keeping hold of it while the child attempted to assemble the second pair, the instructor helped the child by breaking down a goal into a series of less complex sub-goals.

比方说，他们可能会强调任务状况被忽视或遗忘的关键特征。与此同时，他们还帮助儿童分析任务。他们还为儿童扮演记忆和规划的额外来源，要么提醒回忆之前的活动，要么更巧妙的，在儿童将其有限资源集中于其他领域时，对过去活动的成果保持稳定。比如，在我们的任务状况中，儿童往往将两块积木组装起来，然后再尝试添加第三块。这些积木被设计成，如果不首先两两组装就很难将四块装起来。将儿童的注意力从首先装好的一对引开，或者在儿童试图组装第二对的时候拿着第一对，教师就帮助儿童将一个目标分解成一系列不复杂的子目标。

Scaffolding functions effectively support and augment learners' limited cognitive resources, enabling them to concentrate upon and master manageable aspects of the task. With experience, such elements of the task become familiar and the child is able to consider further related task elements. Contingent control helps to ensure that the demands placed on the child are likely to be neither too complex, producing defeat, nor too simple, generating boredom or distraction.

脚手架功能有效的支持并增强着学习者的有限认知资源，允许他们集中精神，并掌握任务的管理方面。随着经验的增加，任务的这些内容变得熟悉，儿童能够进一步考虑相关任务内容。团队控制有助于确保寄予儿童身上的要求可能既不过于复杂、导致失败，也不过于简单，产生厌烦或分心。

Teaching: natural and contrived

教学：自然与人为

So far, we have been exploring the concepts of scaffolding, control and contingency in contrived encounters between adults and children in laboratory settings. We have also been dealing with very specific short-term learning outcomes in a well-structured, concrete task with a specific 'right' answer. Are such concepts useful in more naturalistic situations? Are the effects of contingent teaching task-specific or does it engender more general effects?

当目前为止，我们已经探究了脚手架的概念，在实验室中的成年人与儿童之间的人为状况中的应急与控制。我们也已经处理了良好结构的、有着明确的正确答案的、固定任务中非常具体的短期学习成果。这些概念在一个更为自然的状况中是否有用？这些团队教学的效果是任务相关的，或者能够产生更为普遍的效果？

In this section, I will explore some attempts to extend the concepts of scaffolding and contingency to adult-child interactions in studies of language acquisition to see how far their use in this, more naturalistic, research involves more than a metaphorical relationship with their use in more formal specific contexts.

在这一节，我将探究一些将脚手架概念和应急机制扩大到成年人—儿童在语言习得学习中的交互活动中的努力，看看在更为自然的状况中能将这些概念用到什么程度，研究涉及到他们用在更为正式的具体环境中的不止一条隐喻关系。

Bruner's (1983) account of the development of the pre-verbal foundations of language acquisition extends the concept of scaffolding to the analysis of mother-child interactions. He argues that the development of early linguistic competence in the child depends upon the (informal) teaching roles played by the adult. The development of the infant's communication abilities takes place within frequently recurring 'formats' of interaction. Initially, such formats (families of interactions such as simple games, feeding sessions, nappy changing etc., which take on a predictable pattern) are largely regulated by the adult and are the basis of what Bruner terms 'Language Acquisition Support Systems'. The frequent repetition of formats provides infants with opportunities to discover and exploit regularities in their experiences. 

布鲁纳（1983）关于前口头语言习得的发展的报告扩展了脚手架的概念，可用来分析母子互动。他认为，儿童早期语言技能的发展依赖于成年人在（非正式）教学中发挥的作用。婴儿的交流能力的发展伴随周期性的重复互动“形式”而发生。最初，这些形式（家庭互动，如简单游戏，喂饭、换尿布等，都采用一种可预见的模式）在很大程度上受到成年人的管理，并且是布鲁纳所说的“语言习得支持系统”的基础。这些形式的频繁重复为婴儿提供了在其经验中发现和利用规律的机会。

168 Relationships and learning

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Adults, however, play the major role in initiating and structuring the early interactional formats. Bruner writes:

然而，成年人在一开始和构建早期互动形式中起到主要作用。布鲁纳写到：

If the 'teacher' in such a 'system' were to have a motto, it would surely be 'where before there was a spectator, let there now be a participant'. One sets the game, provides a scaffold to assure that the child's ineptitudes can be rescued by appropriate intervention, and then removes the scaffold part by part as the reciprocal structure can stand on its own.

如果教师在这样一个系统中必须有一个口号，那么肯定是“之前这里有一个观众，现在要让他参与进来”。某人设置了游戏，提供了一套脚手架，确保可以通过适当的干预消除儿童的不适，然后逐步移除脚手架，使得对应结构能够独立。

(Bruner, 1983: 60)

Whilst he sees adults taking the leading role in the construction of such systems of support, it seems that what is involved is not so much a process of directing the child but one more akin to 'leading by following'. Once the child's involvement has been gained and he is inducted into activity that can be orchestrated into an emerging system of interaction, adults tend to make what they do contingent upon their interpretation of what is likely to be the current focus of interest or relevance to the child. Thus, 'it becomes feasible for the adult partner to highlight those features of the world that are already salient to the child and that have a basic or simple grammatical form'. To the extent that adults make where they look and what they do and say contingent upon their interpretation of the child's current interest, what they are likely to be putting into words is relevant to what is in the child's mind. Thus, adults help to bring the infant's experience of the world and linguistic communication about that world into contact.

虽然他认为成年人在构建这类支持系统过程中会占据主导位置，但似乎没有涉及到这么多指导儿童的过程，而是更像是“以跟从来领导”。一旦儿童的介入得到增加，并且已经参与进能够编入新的交互系统的活动，成年人具体做什么，往往取决于他们对当前对儿童的兴趣或重要意义的关注的解释。因此，“对于成年伙伴凸显儿童已经熟悉的世界的这些特点，并具有一套基本或简单语法形式，成为可能”。成年人让他们所见所行所言，取决于他们对儿童当前兴趣的解释，他们可能用语言表达的是与儿童的思想有关的。因此，成年人帮助婴儿对世界的体验和与世界的语言沟通发生联系。

Bruner's use of the concepts of scaffolding and contingency shares formal similarities with the processes described in the analysis of contrived teaching. The task of inducting the infant into what is to become a predictable format of interaction; supplementing and orchestrating the child's role in the interaction by actions designed to highlight critical features of the joint task or activity; reducing degrees of freedom for action (buffering from distraction) to encourage the infant to focus on critical aspects of the situation; trying to hand over increasing responsibility for the execution of actions that have been constructed with the child; attempting to perform such functions in a manner that is contingent upon the child's activities, are important features of the teaching process, whether natural or contrived. Whilst I would argue, however, that the scaffolding functions are common to both types of activity with children of very different ages, the means whereby such functions are achieved change with the developing competence of the infant. Induction, for example, changes from a process that we might term 'capture' to one of 'recruitment'. This change occurs in response to the (co-ordinated) development of planning and self-consciousness in the child.

布鲁纳对脚手架和应急概念的运用，与在对刻意教学的分析中所描述的过程外表相似。引导婴儿进入一种可预见的互动形式的任务；通过旨在突出共同任务或活动的重要特征的动作，在互动中补充并编组儿童的任务；减少动作的自由度（缓解分心问题），鼓励婴儿关注情况的重要方面；尝试移交儿童在执行动作时产生的越来越多的责任；试图依据儿童的活动执行一些功能，是教学过程的重要特点，无论自然或人为。然而，有时我会认为，在这两类活动当中，脚手架功能对于各种年龄段的儿童都是通用的，因此随着婴儿技能发展的改变，这些功能得以实现。比如，诱导从我们称为“捕获”的说法到“补充”的转变过程。这种转变发生在儿童对（协调）发展的规划和自我意识的回应中。

For example, in the early encounters described by Bruner and others, what might initially be a 'chance' or unintentional act by the child may be highlighted and responded to by the adult 'as if' it were an intended component of an envisaged performance.

比如，在布鲁纳及其他人描述的早期情况当中，可能最初只是一个机会或儿童的无意识行为，可能得到成年人的强调并回应，成年人“假设”这是一个想象活动的预期部分。

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Such highlighting can be achieved by the adult performing a marked, exaggerated action or display that is contingent upon and follows closely in time behind the infant's activity. To the extent that this display captures the infant's attention and interest, it may evoke a repetition of the child's initial activity. Initially spontaneous, unpremeditated movements by the baby may thus form the basis for the emergence of intentional acts of communication.

这种强调可以通过成年人执行一个有显著效果的、夸张的动作或表情来实现，这取决于并紧跟于婴儿的活动之后。表情要达到能捕捉婴儿注意力和兴趣的程度，它可能引起儿童最初动作的不断重复。因此，婴儿最初自发的、非故意的动作，有可能形成可以交流动作出现的基础。

A number of studies have highlighted the degree of 'fit' between both the content and timing of events that are likely to grasp the infant's attention and the 'natural' or spontaneous displays of adults (or even very young children) en face with the infant (e.g. Brazelton, 1982). The adult achieves induction of the infant by capturing his attention.

一些研究强调事件的内容和时间安排之间的合适程度，这有可能抓住婴儿的注意力和成年人（或者甚至包括幼儿）面对婴儿时的本性或自然表情（比如Brazelton, 1982）。通过捕捉婴儿的注意力，成年人成功诱导了婴儿。

With older children, induction is easier in some contexts and more difficult in others. Once attention and interest can be solicited by verbal invitations or demonstrations, the teacher may evoke intentional action towards a goal from the child. As early as nine to 18 months, young children also display some knowledge of the fact that the adult can be recruited to help them in an activity that they are unable to bring off alone (Geppert and Kuster, 1983). By 30 months, teaching-learning encounters may be solicited by either party. Around the same age, however, infants also show evidence of wishing, at some times, to maintain the independence of their own actions, of wanting to 'do it myself'.

在某些情况下，对于更大一些的儿童，更容易或更困难诱导。一旦可以通过口头邀请或演示抓住注意力和兴趣，教师就可能让学生刻意朝向目标行动。九到十八个月早的幼儿也了解这样一个事实，在他们不能独自完成的活动中，可以呼唤成年人来帮助他们（Geppert and Kuster, 1983）。对于三十个月的儿童，教—学活动可以由任意一方发起。然而，在同一年纪，有时候，婴儿也表现出保持他们自己独立活动的愿望，想要“自己动手”。

Although, as we have seen, it is possible to induce the preschooler into joint problem-solving, evidence from naturalistic observations in the home indicates that most encounters between young children and their parents are of the children's own choosing. In short, they tend to solicit rather than be inducted into most exchanges with parents.

虽然，如我们所见，这有可能引导学前儿童共同解决问题，但是来自家庭自然观察的证据表明，幼儿及其家长之间的绝大多数活动都是儿童自主选择。总之，在与家长的大多数交流当中，他们总是索取而非投入。

The evidence comes from Wells (1979) who found, from audio-taped recordings of exchanges between parents and their three-year-olds at home, that 70 per cent of interactions were initiated by the child. Thus, what adults and child are likely to be working on, attending to and talking about is still largely determined by the child's interests.

韦尔斯（1979）有证据显示，来自磁带记录的家长与其三岁儿童在家交流，百分之七十的互动都是由儿童发起。因此，成年人和儿童所从事的、注意的和谈论的，在很大程度上依然有儿童的兴趣决定。

Wells's analyses also indicate that parents who respond contingently to the child's utterances by elaborating, developing and negotiating about what they mean are more likely to engender conditions for establishing mutual understanding and the development of linguistic competence in the child. Although his analyses do not make explicit use of concepts such as scaffolding and control, he does employ the term contingency in a similar way. I suggest that his findings are consistent with the view that effective scaffolding and control are factors that influence the development of linguistic competence in children. To extend this argument, however, I need to make reference to other research in which the notions of control and contingency have been exploited to study the effects of different styles of talking to children on the child's performances in school contexts.

韦尔斯的分析还表明，通过精心的、发展的方式，团队式的回应儿童谈话的家长，并讨论他们的意思，更有可能产生建立相互理解、发展儿童语言能力的条件。虽然他的分析并未明确使用诸如脚手架和控制之类概念，他以同样的方式使用应急这个词。我认为他的调查结果与有效脚手架、有效控制的观点相一致，是改变儿童语言能力发展的因素。但是，为了扩大这一论点，我需要参考其他研究，这些研究中控制和应急的概念，已被用来研究在学校环境中，不同类型的对儿童谈话对儿童表现的影响。

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Asking and telling: who is contingent upon whom?

问与答：谁决定谁？

We are studying two complex systems that know things: teacher and child. We believe that these two systems are in asymmetrical states, in that the teacher knows more than the child and has responsibility for transferring that knowledge. The asymmetry is not entirely one-sided, however: the child also knows things about the world and himself that the teacher does not know. The desire to make teaching 'relevant', 'leaner centred', to 'start where the learner is at' or to be contingent upon their attempts to learn is implicated in most theories of learning and development (Wood, 1980b). Thus, teachers must also seek to understand what the child knows if they are to help develop, extend, clarify and integrate that knowledge.

我们正在研究两个众所周知的复杂系统：教师和儿童。我们相信这两个系统处在不对称状态，其中教师比儿童知道的更多，具有传输知识的责任。然而，这种不对称不完全是单方面的：儿童也知道一些有关世界和他自己的事情，而教师却不知道。教授“适当的”、“以学习者为中心的”、“从学习者的能力出发”或者取决于学习者的学习意图的愿望，牵涉到很多学习和发展的理论（Wood, 1980b）。因此，如果教师要帮助儿童发展、扩展、澄清以及综合知识的话，教师还必须设法了解儿童知道些什么。

Wells's studies, in company with research by Tizard and her colleagues (Tizard and Hughes, 1984), suggest that preschool children tend to initiate interactions, ask questions and seek information more readily at home than at school. Much of their 'epistemic' activity is directed towards achieving explanations about facts of everyday life and is occasioned by happenings in the local culture. The parent tends to be in a privileged position in relation to these requests and demands, being a part of that culture. Their practices and talk are embedded in what it is that the child seeks to know. Further, their privileged access to the child's history provides a basis for intersubjectivity. Their implicit hypotheses about what is likely to have motivated an epistemic act from the child; what the child is already likely to have experienced in relation to it, to know, think and feel about it, are more likely than those of strangers to prove workable or enactable.

韦尔斯的研究与蒂泽德及其同事的研究（Tizard and Hughes, 1984）一起，表明学前儿童在家里比在学校更主动发起交互、问问题、寻求信息。他们多数“认知”活动都对准了实现对日常生活现象的解释上，这些多数“认知”活动也是由于发生在当地文化当中造成的。在面对这些请求和要求时，家长往往处在有利位置，成为了文化的一部分。他们的言行成为了儿童力求知道的事物的一部分。此外，他们有资格进入儿童的历史，这种历史为其主体间性提供了基础。其隐含假设涉及可能促成儿童的认知动作的事物；儿童可能已经具有了与其本身有关、与认识有关、与思考有关、与感受有关的经验，比第三方更有可能证明可行或不可行。

Thus, the conditions that promote the quest for knowledge from the child are often present in the home, and the needs of the child are most likely to be interpretable to those who know them. Conditions for the generation of a contingent learning environment are more likely to be endemic to the home or local culture in a way that they are not to school. Thus, the preschool child at nursery or school is less likely to be prompted to wonder about the 'whys' and 'wherefores' of what is going on, which is perhaps why their discourse often centres on the happenings of the moment and thus seems 'context-dependent'. When children do talk about things outside the classroom, not surprisingly it tends to be to mention significant others in their daily life (relatives), or the events, happenings, promises and surprises that occur at home (Wood, McMahon and Cranstoun, 1980).

因此，促进儿童求知的条件常常出现在家里，儿童的需求更有可能被了解他们的人所解读。一个偶然学习环境的形成条件更有可能属于家庭或学校之外的某种当地文化方式所特有。因此，托儿所或学校的学前儿童不大可能被唤起对正在发生的事情的“原因”和“理由”产生兴趣，这可能就是他们的谈话往往集中于当下发生的事情，因此看上去是“依赖于具体情况的”。当儿童谈及教室以外的事情时，往往谈论他们日常生活中（有关）的其他重要人物，或发生在家里的活动、事件、承诺和惊喜（Wood, McMahon and Cranstoun, 1980），这并不奇怪。

Children, then, 'present' themselves differently at home and at school. Even when teachers set out to work with individual children, they face considerable difficulties in establishing a contingent interaction because children generally give them relatively few epistemic offerings to be contingent upon. Thus, task induction becomes a more demanding activity for the teacher than the parent (and, by the same token, for a psychologist in a laboratory setting: Wood, 1983). Other factors also operate against the establishment of child-initiated adult-contingent encounters.

那么，儿童在家里和学习“展示”出不同的自己。甚至当教师宣布与单个儿童一起工作，他们在建立偶发互动时也面临很大困难，因为儿童一般给予教师相对较少的认识以供决定。因此，任务引导就变成一个对于教师而言，比家长更为严格的活动（同理，对于试验机构中的心理学家也是如此：Wood, 1983）。能确立儿童发起的、成年人偶发的互动活动的还有其他因素。

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教与学的方方面面，第一七一页

One is group size. At home, the presence of a third person, particularly a younger sibling, is likely to promote talk between parent and child about the actions, needs and morality of another (Dunn and Kendrick, 1982). Children, in their second year of life, begin to wonder about the nature of other people. At school, however, surrounded by numbers of relative strangers, observations by children about the 'psychology' of other people around are relatively rare (Wood et al., 1980). Faced with groups of children, the teacher encounters purely numerical difficulties in any effort to promote and sustain productive encounters with individuals. Management of self, time and resources becomes an important feature of the teaching role. Any attempts to instruct or inform are thus embedded within a wider set of roles and objectives.

一个是小组的大小。在家里，第三个人的出现，尤其是弟弟，有可能促进家长与儿童之间对活动、其他人的需求和道德的谈论（Dunn and Kendrick, 1982）。儿童，在两岁的时候，开始对其他人的性格感到好奇。然而在学校，围绕着很多不那么熟悉的人，儿童对周围其他人的心理活动的观察相对较少（Wood 等, 1980）。面对成群的儿童，教师在促进和扶持单个儿童的生产性活动所做的努力，遭遇的困难完全是数字的。对自我、时间和资源的管理，变成教学任务的一项重要特征。任何教导或指示的尝试，因此变成一个更广泛任务和目标的一部分。

The common teacher response to these difficulties is to initiate and sustain interactions not by showing or telling but by demanding and asking. Both demands and questions are exercises in control. In a number of different studies, several classroom observers have noted the very high frequency of teacher questions. Such studies range from preschoolers to children about to leave school (Wood and Wood, 1985). Furthermore, teacher questions tend to display a number of 'special' characteristics. They are often specific, demanding a narrow range of possible 'right' answers (e.g. MacLure and French, 1981; Tizard, Philips and Plewis, 1976; Wood et al., 1980). Teachers often know the answers to the questions they ask, and children, by four years of age, possess the ability to recognize this fact, in some contexts at least (Wood and Cooper, 1980). Furthermore, the readiness of children to talk about what they know is likely to be inhibited by such questions.

面对这些困难，教师的一般反应是开始行动并维持互动，不是通过展示或告知，而是要求与提问。这些要求与问题都是受控训练。在许多不同的研究中，数个教室观察发现教师提问频率非常高。这些研究包括从学前儿童到小学即将毕业（Wood and Wood, 1985）。此外，教师的问题往往表现出一些特殊性质。他们多是具体的，要求可能范围很狭窄的正确答案（比如 MacLure and French, 1981; Tizard, Philips and Plewis, 1976; Wood 等, 1980）。教师常常知道他们所提问题的答案，四龄童在某种情况下，很少拥有了解这一事实的能力（Wood and Cooper, 1980）。另外，儿童为谈论他们所知道的而做的准备，很有可能被这些问题禁止。

Several reasons have been given for the frequency and nature of teacher questions. Questioning groups is one strategy whereby (at best) the minds of all involved can be focused on the same idea or topic. Questions are one tactic for the achievement of 'group intersubjectivity'. When a child is not forthcoming with numerous spontaneous epistemic acts, then questions will usually achieve a response and, therefore, may be used as tactics for initiating and, perhaps, modelling epistemic inquiry. Speculating further, it might be the case that the use of questioning represents a historical reaction to 'talk and chalk' or 'didactic' methods of education. Questioning may be seen as a tactic designed to engage the child actively in the teaching-learning process. Rather than 'passively' sitting and listening to the teacher's declarations, the child should be enjoined, through questions, to wonder and think about the topic at hand.

对于教师提问的频率和性质，已经找到几个理由。向群体提问是一种策略，由此，所有人都能关注到同一个思路或主题。提问是一种实现群体主体间性的策略。如果一个儿童不熟悉诸多无意识认知动作，那么问题通常会得到回应，并且因此，有可能作为发起策略使用，还有可能为认知调查建模。进一步推测，使用提问，代表了一种“粉笔与谈话”或“说教”式的教育方式的互动历史。提问有可能被视作一种策略，旨在让儿童积极参与教—学过程，而不是坐着被动听教师的宣讲，应当要求儿童通过问题，对手头问题感到好奇，产生思考。

Whatever the rationale or 'cause' of frequent questioning by teachers, I would argue that the strategy is counter-productive.

不管教师频繁提问的理由或原因是什么，我认为这种策略适得其反。

If we accept the fact that, particularly with young children, what we seek to show them and tell them demands a knowledge of what they can already do and what and how they think about the task at hand, how are we to encourage them to display their knowledge? 

如果我们接受这样一个事实，特别是对于幼儿，我们企图向他们展示的、告诉他们对于他们已经在做的事情需要什么样的知识，对于手头任务他们应当如何思考应当思考些什么，我们要如何才能鼓励他们展示他们的知识？

172 Relationships and learning

关系与学习，第一七二页

Focusing for the moment on mainly verbal exchanges, I suggest the following 'operationalized' definition of knowledge display. Children will ask questions about the topic, revealing their uncertainty and what they seek to know. They will take up openings to contribute to and comment upon the topic at hand. They may go beyond a direct answer to the teacher's questions to add additional information, ideas or observations that they consider supplement or qualify their answers. Further, if, as Wells argues, adult and child need to negotiate their perspectives on and objectives in a given domain, we may find that a child responds to the teacher's questions with requests for clarification or to negotiate the conditions under which they are prepared to answer.

关注主要的口头交流时刻，我认为下面“运作中的”知识呈现的定义。儿童会询问课题相关问题，显示出他们的不确定性以及他们想要知道的东西。他们将开始解决以及评论手头课题。他们可能不光是回答教师的提问，还会增加他们认为能补充或限定他们答案的额外信息、思路或观察结果。此哇，如韦尔斯所言，成年人和儿童需要协商他们在某一领域内的看法和目标，我们可能会发现儿童对教师问题的回应，也包含了澄清或协商他们准备回答问题的条件的需求。

These aspects of children's discourse define a set of conditions in which the teacher can gain access to the child's thoughts and uncertainties about opinions and attitudes towards the topic at hand.

儿童的谈话方面界定了一组条件，使得教师可以得知儿童对于手头课题的意见和态度的想法和不确定性。

These conditions are inhibited to the extent that teachers manage the interaction through questions. The more they question, the less children say. Children's contributions (even when an opportunity is given) become rarer and more terse, the more questions are asked (e.g. Wood and Wood, 1983). Children are only likely to go beyond the force of teachers' questions to give additional ideas and explanations if questions are relatively infrequent. In some contexts at least, they are less likely to seek information through questions themselves when the teacher is asking a lot of questions.

这些条件受限于教师通过问题管理互动的程度。教师问得越多，儿童说得越少。问题问得越多，儿童的参与（甚至在给出机会的时候）越来越少（比如，Wood and Wood, 1983）。如果问题比较少的话，儿童就可能跳出教师问题的限制，给出额外想法和解释。至少在某些状况下，当教师问一大堆问题的时候，他们不大可能依靠自身通过问题来寻求信息。

Pupils tend to take single 'moves' in dialogue with the teacher. Whereas teachers display a number of offerings in their turns (e.g. accepting what a child has said, offering a contribution to the discourse and immediately asking a question), pupils are most likely to make a single type of move. Thus, if the teacher terminates his or her utterance with a contribution (i.e. statement, opinion, speculation), children are likely to respond with a contribution of their own, more so if the teacher's contributions are frequent. Similarly, if a teacher accepts or acknowledges what a child says but offers no further question or observation, the child is likely to continue with the topic at hand. There are also a number of second-order effects of teaching style. The less a teacher interrogates children, the more likely they are to listen to, make contributions about and ask questions of what the other children say (Griffiths, 1983; Wood and Wood, 1983). Such findings occur as correlations between teaching style and pupil responses in natural classroom discourse, and can be brought about in experimentally contrived encounters in which teachers vary their style of responding to groups of children (Wood and Wood, 1983, 1984).

学生在于教师的对话中倾向于使用单一的“动作”。教师依次向他们展现一些反应（比如，同意某个孩子的言论，参与讨论，实时提出问题），学生最有可能使用单一类型的反应动作。因此，如果教师终止自己的某次发言（比如，陈述、意见、推论），儿童很有可能回应他们自己的发言，甚至比教师的发言还要频繁。同样的，如果教师接受或认可一名儿童的言论，但没有给出进一步的问题或意见，该儿童有可能继续手头的课题。教学风格还有一些二级效应。教师对儿童问得越少，他们可能听得更多，参与其中并就其他儿童的言论提出问题（Griffiths, 1983; Wood and Wood, 1983）。以上发现发生在自然的课堂讨论中教学风格与学生回应之间的相互关系中，在实验室设计的状况中，教师改变其对学生群体的回应方式，也能产生以上发现（Wood and Wood, 1983, 1984）。

The extent to which a child reveals his or her own ideas and seeks information is thus inversely proportional to the frequency of teacher questions - and this finding embraces studies of preschool children through to 16-year-olds, deaf children and children acquiring English as a second language. 

如此，儿童显露其想法并寻求信息的程度，与教师提问的频率成反比——该发现采用了对从学前到十六岁儿童、聋哑儿童以及以英语为第二语言的儿童的研究。

Aspects of teaching and learning 173

教与学的方方面面，第一七三页

Some of the teachers who have participated in experimentally contrived
classroom sessions, in which they have modified their style of talking
to children by asking fewer questions, becoming less controlling and giving more of their own views and opinions, have commented that they found out things about the children's experiences, views and ideas that they did not know and would not have thought to ask questions about (Lees, 1981). Questions may solicit the information demanded by the teacher and serve as specific probes and checks for retention of information or of a child's capacity to draw inferences. As tools for finding out things that a child thinks or knows but that are not already anticipated or known by the teacher, however, they are ineffective, at least when used in excess. If it is a teacher's goal or discover 'where the child is at' in order to respond contingently to their ideas and thoughts, the established 'register' of the classroom is generally ineffective in achieving this goal. Teachers can, however, engender sessions in which children show more initiative, if they are prepared to ask fewer questions and say more about their own ideas and views. Just as effective teaching of practical skills demands a contingent combination of showing and telling, so the extension of children's understanding through discourse demands an integration of the declarative and interrogative voice.

参与到实验设计的课堂任务中的某些教师，其间他们改变了他们与儿童的谈话风格，问的问题更少，减少控制，更多给出他们的观点和见解，评论他们发现有关儿童并不知道、也不会想到去问问题的体验、观点和想法的事情（Lees, 1981）。这些问题有可能用到教师指定的信息，可以作为特定探针来使用，并检查儿童推理能力或信息的保留情况。儿童的想法或经验是发现事物真相的工具，但教师的预期或经验不是，然而，至少在滥用时他们也是无效的。如果这是教师的目标或为了应急响应儿童的想法和思路找出“学生所处的位置”，为实现这一目标而设立的课堂记录员是没有用的。然而，如果教师准备好问更少的问题，更多谈论他们的想法和观点，他们能够在活动期间引发学生显示出更多主动性。正如实际技能的有效教学需要展示与讲述的有机结合，因此学生通过综合了陈述句和疑问句的演讲，扩展了学生的理解。

There is now an extensive and growing literature on the 'effective use of questioning' (e.g. Blank, Rose and Berlin, 1978). Although the issue of what constitutes a 'good' and timely question is not resolved, and the literature on the effects and effectiveness of questions has produced somewhat equivocal results, a few general points and reasonable speculations are emerging from the literature. First, as we saw above, several researchers have concluded that too many teacher questions are 'closed' and lead children to search for specific right answers rather than into processes of reasoning and weighing evidence. Second, teachers tend to leave relatively short pauses after their questions before taking back control of the interaction. When they are helped to extend these pauses (from one to three seconds), the frequency and level of student response increase (Rowe, 1974; Swift and Gooding, 1983). It seems that pupils usually need more time to think about their answers to teacher questions than teachers normally allow. Questions to which the teacher already knows the answer are also common. Thus, the implicit theory of learning involved is one in which the teacher knows all the answers and the child's task is simply to find them. Sigel and his colleagues (Sigel and McGillicuddy-Delisi, 1988), analysing discourse between parents and children, have shown, for example, that more open-ended demanding parental questions (which, in Sigel's terms 'distance' the child from and encourage him to reflect upon his immediate experiences and concerns) are positively correlated with various measures of the child's intellectual development, whereas more closed questions are not. Similarly, Redfield and Rousseau (1981), in a review of questioning, concluded that the use of questions high in 'cognitive demand' by teachers has a positive effect on student achievement.

对于“有效使用提问”，现在广泛且文献日益增加（比如，Blank, Rose and Berlin, 1978）。虽然一个“好”的、及时的问题有什么构成这个问题并没有得到解决，效果相关文献和问题的效用产生了一些模棱两可的结果，文献中出现了少数普遍性的论点以及合理推论。首先，如上所见，一些研究者声称太多的教师问的问题都是封闭的，导致儿童去寻找特定的正确答案而非进入到推理和权衡证据的过程。其次，教师倾向于在提问之后、将控制权交回互动之前，仅留下短暂的暂停。帮助他们延长这种暂停（从一秒延长到三秒）之后，学生回应的频率和水平都得到增加（Rowe, 1974; Swift and Gooding, 1983）。显然，学生需要远比教师平常所给的更多的时间思考他们对教师问题的答案。教师已经知道问题的答案也很平常。因此，涉及到的内隐学习理论就是，教师知道所有答案，而儿童的任务仅仅是找出他们。例如，西格尔及其同事（Sigel and McGillicuddy-Delisi, 1988）分析家长和儿童之间的谈话，显示出，父母提出的要求更开放的问题（用西格尔的话说，“距离”儿童较远，并鼓励他考虑他的直接经验和兴趣 ）和儿童智力发展的各种标准呈正相关，然而更加封闭的问题则不是。同样的，莱德菲尔德和卢梭（1981）在对提问的评论中指出，问题的使用，教师提出高的认知要求，能够积极影响到学生的成绩。

Unfortunately, however, studies in this area usually concentrate on comparisons of different types of questions and fail to explore any effects of different levels of teacher contributions of statements.

然而不幸的是，该领域的研究通常集中于对不同类型问题的比较，而缺少对教师发言不同水平的探究。

Relationships and learning

关系与学习，第一七四页

In a small-scale study (Wood and Wood, 1983), we found that where a teacher offers contributions that are high in level of presentation (e.g. speculations, opinions, reasoning, etc.), children are likely to respond in kind. Questions high in cognitive demand (similar to the definitions of Blank et al., 1978) also solicit high cognitive responses from children, but at the cost of inhibiting follow-through, elaboration or spontaneous comments from them. Where teachers, in one sense, answer their own putative questions to provide possible answers, opinions and so on, children as young as four years of age reciprocate by adopting a similar cognitive-linguistic stance and remain relatively active and forthcoming at the same time.

在一项小规模研究（Wood and Wood, 1983）中，我们发现，如果一个教师提供高水平的发言（比如，思考、意见、推理等），儿童更有可能高水平回应。高认知要求的问题（类似于《空白》的界定等，1978）也能诱发儿童的高认知反应，但代价是阻碍了他们持续的、精心或自发的评论。从某种意义上讲，教师回答自己预设的问题，而从提供可能的答案、意见诸如此类，四龄童通过采用类似的认知—语言姿态做出回答，同时保持相对活跃与积极。

High control of interactions by teachers in natural or contrived encounters, in laboratory, home or school, are likely to inhibit overt epistemic activity from children. Furthermore, the fact that children are not contributing ideas, asking questions or elaborating on their answers to the teacher's questions, but spending the vast majority of their time in complying or answering questions means that their thinking (unless they 'drop out' of the interaction) is almost entirely contingent upon the demands of the teacher. If teachers are not gaining knowledge from the children, then they have few opportunities for making any questions, comments or ideas that they have contingent upon the children's own thoughts, for these are simply not revealed or displayed.

无论是在自然的还是人为的环境中，在实验室、家里或学校，教师对互动的高程度控制，都有可能明显妨碍儿童的认知活动。此外，事实上，儿童并不向教师表达思想、提出问题或详述答案，而是将绝大部分时间花费在顺从或回答问题，这意味着他们的思考（除非他们脱离互动）几乎全部都取决于教师的要求。如果教师没有从儿童处获得知识，那么他们几乎没有机会形成根植于儿童自身思想的问题、评论或想法，因为儿童自身的思想不是一眼就能看见的。

The role played by children in teaching-learning encounters is fundamentally constrained by the way in which teachers manipulate control. If a child is not active, forthcoming and curious about the task at hand, the main cause of this inactivity may lie not in some 'inner resource' lacked by the child, but in the level of control and ensuing lack of opportunity for contingent instruction determined by the manner in which the teacher orchestrates the interaction.

儿童在教—学活动中扮演的角色从根本上受到教师操纵控制的方式所限制。如果儿童对手头任务不活跃、热心、好奇，那么他不活跃的主要原因可能不在于儿童缺乏某些内因，而是在于教师管理互动的方式所决定的控制程度的问题，及继而团队教育机会的缺乏。

Teaching as epistemic inquiry

Teaching is usually defined as the transmission of knowledge and the inculcation of skills and understanding. Such definitions seem reasonable but are inadequate and even misleading. Teaching also involves learning; it provides opportunities for the acquisition of knowledge. It is epistemic activity. Furthermore, the knowledge obtained from acts of teaching informs the process of effective teaching.

教学通常被定义为传授知识、教授技能与理解。这种定义似乎很合理但还不够甚至误导人。教学还涉及到学习，它为获取知识提供了机会。这是一个认知活动。此外，从教学活动中获得知识意味着这个过程是有效教学。

Piaget has characterized the child as a 'natural' epistemologist. We have not rejected this basic stance but have argued that the epistemological activity of the child is, and often must be, enveloped within that of a teacher. Piaget has also demonstrated how the study of the systematic and 'universal' errors that children make can be exploited to investigate the nature and development of knowledge. Similarly, I have suggested that the study of 'errors after instructions' is a primary basis for learning about the learner, learning, what is being learned and teaching.

皮亚杰将儿童表述为天生的知识学家。我们并不拒绝这一基本立场，但还认为，儿童的知识论活动，受到且往往必然受到，教师的封闭。皮亚杰还演示了系统化的研究和儿童出现的普遍错误，是如何被用来研究知识的发展和性质的。同样，我也认为，对“指令后错误”的研究是研究学习者、学习的主要依据，而这都是学习与教学。

Aspects of teaching and learning 175

教与学的方方面面，第一七五页

An instruction from a teacher is, potentially, an epistemic probe as well as an attempt to prompt epistemic activity in the child. If it is treated as a hypothesis about the child's 'zone of proximal development', for example, then a failure to comply by the child suggests that the hypothesis may be invalid and that he or she needs more help. Conversely, success serves as a signal to the teacher to update her hypothesis about where the child is 'at' and, hence, to revise future instruction or, in Bruner's economic metaphor, to 'up the ante'. Teachers may utilize the fate of their own instructions as a basis for learning and revising their 'theory' of the child and what he or she is learning. The tremendous difficulties in doing this in school environments, however, often preclude such contingent instruction, and demand, essentially, that it is the child who must make his or her thinking contingent upon that of the teacher. If children are able and willing to be contingent upon the thought processes and actions of another, then learning may proceed. If they are not, then it seems unlikely that learning will follow.

一条来自教师的指示，可能是一种知识探针以及一种唤起儿童的认知活动的尝试。比如，如果它被视为儿童的最近发展区假说，那么儿童的不遵守意味着这种假说可能是无效的，且儿童需要更多的帮助。相反，成功作为教师更新其关于儿童所处进度的假说的信号，因此修订进一步的指令，或者用布鲁纳的经济隐喻，是“提高筹码”。教师可以将其指令结果作为学习和修订其儿童理论及其所学的基础。然而，在学校环境下常常阻碍这类团队教学和要求的最大困难，从本质上讲，是儿童必须令其思考受制于教师。如果儿童能够且愿意依赖于其他人的思考过程和活动，那么学习就可以进行。如果他们不愿意，那么学习似乎不大可能发生。

Although we have been stressing the importance of teaching and exploring the complex questions of what effective instruction involves, this does not imply that effective teaching is a sufficient or always a necessary condition for learning. We have not been advocating a return to classical learning theory nor rejecting the now extensive evidence that shows that young children form hypotheses, infer and generalize rules to make creative and productive use of their experiences. What we have tried to identify are some factors in natural and contrived encounters that serve to facilitate or inhibit such epistemic activities by the young child. Such a view leads us, for example, to attribute failure or lack of progress by a learner not simply to factors located 'in' the child but to constraints that arise as an emergent property of teacher-learner interactions. These, in turn, are tightly constrained by the nature of the institutions that we have invented to bring teachers and learners together. If we find ourselves dissatisfied with the interactions that take place in such institutions, measured against what we take to be the optimum contexts for learning, then we must question not simply the teacher's 'skills' but the form of the institution within which we expect these to be deployed.

虽然我们一直在强调教学的重要性，在探究有效教学所涉及的复杂问题，这并不意味着有效教学是学习的充分条件或总是必要条件。我们并不主张回归经典学习理论，也不拒绝现在大量的幼儿培养假说证据、在其体验中使用的创造性的富有成效的推论和一般规则。我们所试图证明的，是在自然或人为环境下，能够促进或阻止幼儿认知活动的某些因素。比如，这些观点使得我们将学习者的失败或缺少进步不仅仅归因于儿童的内因，还归因于教师—学习者互动的意外性质导致的外界制约条件。反过来，这些受到我们所发明的让教师和学习者合作的体制的严格限制。如果我们发现我们自身不满意发生在这种体制下的互动，谨慎的反对我们以为是最佳教学环境的东西，那么我们必须不仅向教师技能提出质疑，还要向我们希望使用这些技能的体制形式提出质疑。

References and further reading

参考文献与扩展阅读

Blank, M., Rose. S. A. and Berlin, L. J. (1978) The Language of Learning: the Preschool Years, New York: Grune & Stratton.

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